LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 

c.i""it: 

Chap. Copyright No. 

Sheli:...'fy 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 










^^5^ 



^^ 



:H 




^ 



i 

I 






A SOLUTION 



Race Problem in the South 



iAN ESSAY.) 



BY 

Enoch Spencer Simmons, 

OF THE NORTH CAROLINA BAR. 



COPYRIGHT 1897, BY E. S. SIMMONS. 



RALEIGH, N. C. 

Presses of Edwards & Broughton. 
1898. 



S'OjTv 



5012 



.5 5=\ 



DEDICATED 

TO THK 

MEMORY OF MY MOTHER. 



PREFACE. 

The author of this work has l)eeii in no way 
prompted to write it by any feehng or disi)osi- 
tion to do the negro any injustice, but by a de- 
sire to deal with the greatest problem that has 
ever confronted our Southland in any period of 
its history, and one which deeply concerns all the 
people of our Union — to vleal with the facts as 
the}^ are now presenting themselves to thought- 
ful minds, and to suggest a plan which, if 
adopted, will be a solution of the most perplex- 
ing and intricate problem. 

This problem has agitated the minds of the 
foremost thinkers of the South since Lee's sur- 
render at Appomattox. Earnest men — men.de- 
sirous of being eminently just to both races — 
have given time and study to this question. Those 
who have givten to the public their thoughts and 
the result of their labors have as yet mainly ad- 
vised the people of the North to be patient while 
we in the South, in our own way, set ourselves 
to the task of settling these constantly arising 
new phases of the i)roblem, insisting the while 
that these new matters would adjust themselves; 
and so the South hoped that time would find the 
races in harmonious union, living in brotherly 
love and peaceful comnnmion, resulting in the 
glorious upbuilding and development of our coun- 
trv. than which none has ever been more blessed 



A PREFACE. 

with nature's gifts. But alas I hope is deferred, 
and the heart of the South is made sick. Thought- 
ful men see ir. the distant sky the mere s])efk of 
a floutl, which, by the best brain of our land, has 
been carefully examined and found to be unmis- 
takably the nucleus around which is gathering, 
as time rolls on, those volcanic dangers which 
will ex})lode and pour upon future posterity its 
all-destructiv^^va. 

To avert th^awf ui consequences to future gen- 
erations is the task which, in this work, has en- 
gaged the mind and labor of the author. 

One has said "Disappointment sinks the heart 
of man. hut the renev^al of hope brings consola- 
tion." With renewed energy we net ourselves 
at this task in the hope of enlisting the efforts of 
wise statesmen, brave men, earnest men and just 
men, who, for the sake of unborn posterity, for 
their love of the people of the South, of both 
races, will undertake to further the work of the 
crude suggestions contained in these ])ages. If 
the author has succeeded in engaging the 
thoughtful attention of wise men of this coun- 
ti-y, who ill turn will take up the work and carry 
it on to coniiilction, tlien certainly he will feel 
aiii|tly repaid for his })ains, knowing that at least 
he has i)layed a small j)art in removing the oik^ 
eaus<', above all others, which stands in the very 
gateway of the jirogress and jtrosjierity of the 
Soiitli ,111(1 llie lia|»|tiness of iiiture geiieiations. 
Sincerely, K. S. Simm;)\s. 

WAsiir.NtrroN. N (' i)i-/i,/iir /:>. /s:i7. 



CONTENTS. 

CHAPTKR I. PAGE. 

The solution of the prohlem 9 

CHAPTER II. 
Race feeling;: in the South gi'ovving. and tlie reasons 
"therefor -^E-' - - • 12 

CHAPTER III. 

The possibilities of colonization di.scu.ssed. the plan to be 
under the auspices of the general government 32 

CHAPTER IV. 

The capacity of tlie negro for self-government and sepa- 
rate existence, with evidence to prove their ability to 
manage a government of their own _ 38 

CHAPTER V. 

The negro a barrier to industrial progress, containing a 
review of the conditions obtaining in the South which 
make idle thousands of botli races 50 

CHAPTER VI. 

The burden of educating both races too great for the 
South alone, with a discussion of the magnanimity and 
generosity of the Sovithern people in self-imposing the 
task of educating the children of their old slaves (52 

CHAPTER VII. 

Does education educate ? An argument that the educa- 
tion and training of any race without opportunities of 
employing their accomplishments is a failure. The 
education of the negro amidst different environments, 
giving them entrance into broader fields of competi- 
tion, would bring about entirely different results 72 



t; CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

PAGE. 

The political consequences of colonization, the disinte- 
gration of the solid South, causing the whites to divide 
up in politics upon national issues, and insuring to the 
Southern States good government, with efficient of- 
ficers, without regard to i)arty 82 

CHAPTER IX. 

The results of colonization to the South as a part of the 
Union ; the South, in name, but not in fact, a part of 
the Union ; the negro, and not the war, the cause ; the 
negro colonized, the cause removed, the South would 
then, in fact, become a part of the Union in the eyes 
of all the world and take her proper place in the sister- 
hood of States _ 89 

CHAPTER X. 

The results of colonization to the whole Union, a dis- 
cussion of the duty of statesmen and lawmakers to 
strengthen every part of the Union, when in their 
power, by legislating in the interest of each section as 
well as for the whole Union : the colonization of the 
negro for the best interests of our Union of States 97 

CHAPTER XI. 

The talc of tlic future without coloiiizal ion. u disi-ussion 
of tlie conclusion to which the signs of the times unmis- 
takably point ; the terrilile future wliich awaits the 
people of the Soutli if both races continue to live as 
tenants in common upon the same lands 105 

ClIAPTKi; .\11. 

The tale ot tin- liituic with coloiii/atioii, a picture of the 
great, good results to come to the South and to both 
racrs if tlie negro race is colonized now, at a tinu' wlien 
colonization is easy 112 



CONTENTS. T 

CHAPTER XIII. 

PAGK. 

Where shall we colonize the negro ? A discussion of our 
duty to the negro in selecting a section of country 
suited to his mental, moral and physical development, 
with reasons making it easier to colonize this race in 
Alabama. Mississippi and Louisiana than elsewliere in 
the United States 118 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Would the whites emigrate from the section selected for 
the negro? An argument with reasons to prove, for 
the sake of posterity, tlie noble men and women would 
move from Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, mak- 
ing room for the uninterrupted colonization of the 
negro 125 

CHAPTER XV. 

In the conclusion of this work the autlior lias brietiy 
summed up the preceding arguments for colonization, 
adding the improbabilities, under natural and divine 
law, of two races occupying the same land as tenants 
in common, loving their neighbors as they love them- 
selves ; concluding with a strong appeal to statesmen 
and patriots, novelists and poets, ministers of God and 
all Christian people, also the leaders of the negro race, 
with united action, to push the work on to conclu- 
sion 1 '29 

Appendix 149 



THE RACE PROBLEM. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM. 

More than sixty-five years ago, Bishop Bas- 
com, as unmistakably appears from his writings, 
foreshadowed the race troubles we now have in 
the South. While not in language direct, infer- 
entially, his words disclose the fact that he then 
saw in the signs of the times, the certain evi- 
dence of freedom to come to the enslaved negroes 
within the United States. With these convic- 
tions he sought to avert the dangers of the two 
races inhabiting the same soil in years to come 
by colonizing the free-born negroes of the United 
States in Liberia. 

Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, in ''Uncle Tom's 
Cabin, ' ' makes George Harris, in his letter to a 
friend, talk of Liberia as the haven of refuge 
and settlement of the negroes in the United 
States. From which Republic, colonization and 
Christianity would be disseminated throughout 
all Africa ; again, this benighted continent would 
be elevated to the position of glory, fame and 
distinction, enjoyed by them in the remote ages 
of antiquity. 
2 



1(1 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

Bishop Atticiis G. Haygood, of the Southern 
Methodist Church, in his '' Brotlier in Black," 
offered as a solution of the race })r()hleni in the 
South, Christian forbearance, brotherly love, pa- 
tient tolerance, better and higher education of 
the negro, morally, mentally and physically. 

Henry ^^^ Grady, in whose early death the 
South sustained a great loss, plead with the 
North to let us alone, while we of the South 
would adjust race differences, as each new phase 
of tlu' pi-ohlcni would arise. Many other lesser 
lights have contributed to the magazines of our 
country their views, the trend of all which was 
to plead foi- ])atience and forbearance of the 
North, while we in the South worked out the 
l)lan of our own salvation. 

One great truth can be gathered from all tliese, 
to-wit : The fact that the presence of the negro 
ill tlie South would bring and has brought ui»oii 
us troubles of mountainous i)ro])ortions, which, 
indeed, threatens the ])eace. happiness and pros 
])erity, yes, the very hie of our Southei-ii coimiry. 

A careful examination of the |iiesent condition 
of tlie South unfolds to ilic ciKniii-cr the lamen- 
lahle fact, tliat however well meant the claim of 
latter day philosophei-s, are not sustained by 
events actually trans))iring tiiroughout the 
South, and the unmistakable evidence of facts, 
pi-oving greater lace divergence, and that the 
gulf between tin- two widens. (|ee|»ens and 



SOLUTION OF TUE PK0BLP:M. 11 

lengtheus, with every revolutio]i of^tlie great 
wheel of time. 

Bishop Basconi and Mis. Harriet Beecher 
Stowe's plan was at the time they^wrote un- 
doubtedly right, as the means to be employed in 
averting race troubles in this country, yet it 
would not be practicable at this time. The ne- 
gro is a citizen of the United States, and as such 
we have no right to deport him. 

All thoughtful i)ersons no longer doubt^the 
necessity of solving our race troubles. No 
thoughtful person, with a regard for the truth, 
will deny the presence and existen ze ot such, 
and instead of lessening they are daily, hourly 
and constantly increasing in dangerous proi)or- 
tions. We would solve the problem of Jour race 
troubles in the South by separating the two races 
and colonizing the negro in the southern part of 
the United States. We insist, no other solution 
of the problem can be given. To expect the^two 
races so materially differing from each~other, as 
does the iMegro and the Caucasian, to live to- 
gether on the same soil in peace and harmony, 
would be in violation of all natural laws, and, 
therefore, impossible. 

Assuming that colonization is the only solu- 
tion of the problem, we will in the pages of this 
work undertake to prove its practicability and 
the absolute necessity for it, and the great dan- 
gers sure to come to posterity, if neglected. 



12 THE RACE PROBLEM, 

CHAPTER II. 
" RACE FEELINC; IN THE SOUTH." 

However much well iiicaning people in the 
South may wish it otherwise, it nevertheless 
is true, that the feeling of dislike between the 
two races is becoming intensified as time wears 
oil. The chasm is dee})ening and widening into 
a more impassible gulf each year. This fact is 
nmch deplored by many of both rac-es, and while 
both regret it. yet it is true, and cannot be 
liel]»e(l. 

The author liere desires to say for himself, he 
has always entertained a kindly feeling for the 
colored race of ])eo])le. That among them there 
are those foi- whom he has the most sincere and 
affectionate regard. An old c:)lore(l woman, 
now living at Pantego, N. C. more than eighty- 
five years of age, always known in my fa flier's 
family as "Aunt Hester,"" remarkable in many 
ways, chiel' among them, she has had l»oi ii to 
hei- twenty-six ciiildreii. Tiusty, faitlifn! and 
true, devoted to the memory of my mother and 
father, always speaking of them as tenderly and 
.■ilfcct ionaf fly as if they Iiad been ol licr own 
(lesli ;ind hlood. It is not often we see the old 
woman; it affords ns as nmch jileasnre to have 
her sisit ns as if she was one of our o\\ n fannly. 



RACE FEELINU FN THK SOUTH. 13 

The other old favorites of my father's family 
have long since passed away, among them my 
uui'se; we have a tender and affectionate regard 
for their memories, and like their children. 
Only recently we had a letter from Prince, a hoy 
of my own age. We have not seen ea(;h other 
nor heard from each other since we parted on 
the plantation, after Lee's surrender. Indeed, 
he writes, he did not know where we were. In 
this we were alike; we had not heard from him. 
Among other things, he says: '' The last time I 
saw you was in Hyde County. I thought the 
world of you. One thing you did was to take 
up for me if I got in a quarrel. I have heard 
recently from a white friend, who knows all 
about you of late years; and it makes my poor 
heart leaj) with joy to hear from my young- 
master. I suppose my old Massa and Missus are 
dead and gone long ago. May Clod bless them. 
I hope you will at least think enough of me to 
write and tell me all alwut them in their latter 
days, as I often think of how much service I 
might have been to them. Give my regards to 
your brother and sister and all the family — you 
I remember best of all. ' ' 

Of course we answered the letter. We were, 
indeed, glad to hear from Prince. Many were 
the happy days we spent in childhood together. 
Notwithstanding my own kind feeling for this 
race, it is plain to any thoughtful mind obser- 



14 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

vant of events, constantly occurring, however 
nuicli we might wish it otherwise, the races 
have for some time past reached a point of (h- 
vergence in feeling of dislike for each other, 
whicli widens in extent, as the lines of time are 
furtlier drawn. If Dr. Haygood, author of that 
praiseworthy work, "Our Brother in Black,'' 
and others, who wrote fifteen or more years ago, 
could carefully investigate conditions of to-day, 
they would reach a far different conclusion, see- 
ing the necessity, not so nuich for the imme- 
diate present, but for posterity, of the separation 
of the two races. 

There are causes for this growing dislike. It 
is the purpose of this chapter to deal with a few. 
Aftei- the smoke of battle had cleared away and 
the Southern soldiei- had returned to his home, 
wasted and in many instances destroyed by the 
ravages of war, with farms grown u\). fences 
gone, ditches filled, the picture of (h'solation and 
dis])air seen everywhere — finding himself and 
Ills ii('ig]il)ors j)Oor indeed — like brave men set 
themselves to work to repair theii- lost fortunes. 
No j)e()])le ever tried harder to adjust themselves 
to new condition. Slavery and its in(i(K>nts, 
the institutions of a centiU'V, abolislied ; aixl in 
its place the slaves made free, with the right ol 
Uallot given them, accom])anied with all llic evil 
(•onse(piciir('s. attending the habilnnciil of tins 
lun'iiant lacr nf iirdidc. willi tiic rights of citi- 



RACE FEELING IN THE SOUTH. 15 

zenship, were conditions to be met and dealt with 
by our Southern people. How well tliey did it, 
the future historian will tell. 

This race of people, so lately slave property, 
had been made citizens with all the rights of 
such, as we have seen, under the Constitution 
of this Union. Our people, knowing that the 
best results for government and society flow 
from the minds and hearts of a people prepared 
by education to appreciate the necessities of civil- 
ization and good government, set themselves to 
work, both with mind and heart, to prepare this 
race for a proper apjn^eciation of their newly- 
made duties of citizenship and its responsibili- 
ties. With generous hand taxes were gathered, 
our Constitutions re- written, distributing the tax 
revenues for public school pur])oses equally be- 
tween the two races in proportion to number, 
school houses built, schools taught ; all this done, 
too, with taxes raised upon the property of the 
white people, except the small parts raised upon 
the poll, for the negro then had no property, and 
l)ut little now. To say that our Southern peo- 
ple did this grudgingly, as some are wont to do, 
would not be in any degree borne out by the 
facts ; rather, the people of the South, both with 
mind and heart, wish to give their old slaves and 
children a fair chance in the race of life; they 
were not forgetful of the fidelity with which he 
stood guard, protecting our mothers and sisters. 



If) Tin-: I^MK I'KOHLKM. 

wives and children at home, wliile his master 
was upon the hattle held, fighting to perpetuate 
the institution of his slavery; the happy mem- 
ories of ]»lantation life, hahy and childhood, with 
the lullabys of black mammies, the cabin with 
banjo and songs of Uncle Tom, the development 
of our Southland in other days by the use of his 
strong arm. lingered in the minds of our people. 

Whatever may be said to the contrary, it was 
true, indeed, as many of the old slaves will tes- 
tify, that their masters had a kindly regard for 
them and wished them to do Avell. The younger 
generation, children of slave owning parents, in- 
cluding many young men who wore the gray at 
the close of the war, bad been tenderly nursed 
by black mammies, who love their nurslings 
with the devotion of mothers; then, too, there 
were iii.iiiy " Uncle Toms,'" who watched the 
interest and affairs of their masters with a devo- 
tion and fidelity never surpassed. The pride of 
their lives was the success of their master's chil- 
(hcii. 

'I'bese sentiments, and sincere regard for black 
mammies and Uncle Toms, caused our law- 
makers, who were ])rin(ipally ex-slave holders 
<»|- 1 bi- < Iiihb'i'ii (tf sucli. w it lioiil st iiit, not gnidg- 
iiigly, but genei'oiisly, earnestly desii-iiig tbeir 
success and the success of tlieii- descendants, to 
do ;ill in t lieir power 1(> make pi'os-jsions for the 
• •(hic.it ion .-ind li,i|>|»iness of tliis race. After we 



RACE FEELING IN THE H(^UTH. 17 

had become accustomed to these new conditions, 
for a time, things went well, the leavening- influ- 
ence of black mammy and Uncle Tom did much 
for the good of their race, these old ones tenderly 
regarded by their old masters and the younger 
generation whom they had nursed and helped 
to raise, stood a barrier, a rock of safety, be- 
tween the heat and passion of the younger ones 
that were fast coming up. The writer wants to 
say with sincerity that the old slaves made good 
citizens; most of them, indeed, well nigh all, 
have passed into the shades of forgetfulness. 
The wisdom of their advice, we regret to say, is 
no longer cherished in the memories of their de- 
scendants. A generation has come and another 
gone since the beginning of these conditions, 
and instead of a realization of our cherished 
hopes, disappointment is seen everywhere. 
Thirty-two years of generous education has for 
its reward in this race a growing dislike for the 
people that gave it. Education seems only to 
have educated well in teaching the recipients of 
this bounty, better ways of disliking, cheating 
and defrauding its giver. 

Of the generation of negroes now coming on 
it may be said, truly, their best thoughts, pur- 
pose and action are bestowed upon ways to get the 
white race within their grasp and conti'ol. A fool- 
ish idea, it is true — one in which their dream of 
hope will be only a dream, but true withal. Of 



IS THK RACE PROBLEM. 

course' those of the white race disposed to help 
them are discouraged ; despair has taken the place 
of hope; while the thousands who have never 
entertained any feeling hut dislike for this race 
ai'e made to dislike the negro more hecause of 
his ingratitude foi' the good which has heen done 
him. 

You hear it on every side that the white peo- 
ple of the South, owning the property and pay- 
ing the taxes, have tired of educating this prop- 
ertyless race, who. in turn for thanks and grati- 
tude, give them all the dislike and animosity 
common to theii' natui-e. There is, no douht, 
the sentiment of opposition to the education of 
the negro by the white man is growing : there 
is no doubt the negro is responsible for this sen- 
timent. For the generosity of his white friends 
he has given them, whenever and wherever tlie 
ojiportunity ])resented, with but fe.w exceptions, 
l)ad government, by imposing upon us chaiacter- 
less white men of the baser sort, whose chief am- 
bition. |)ii(l(' and ])leasure is to so .Khiiinistin- the 
affairs oi' government as to disgrace society, in- 
sult the lionor and dignity of our commonwealth 
and degrade the })atriotic people of the South, 
wlio themselves and their ancestry can boast of 
noble citizenshi]), and whose only wish and d(^- 
sii'c is foi- the ))i-ospei'ity, success and u|»l>uilding 
of (»ni- Iteautitnl Sontldand, llie j>eace ami liap- 
|)iDess of our I' nion. 



RACE FEELING IN THE SOUTH. l!» 

Is it surprising, tlien, that the chasm is wid- 
ening ? Oh, but it may be said that the negro 
is not wholly responsible for this condition of 
feeling; that bad and contriving white men, 
with minds indifferent to consequences, incite 
him to this feeling of dislike, for the purpose of 
their own self-aggrandizement. This is true, but 
it adds force and emphasis to the argument. 
Yes, it is too true, in a land where live brave 
men and beautiful women, a land where nature 
has so blended its many gifts, that it can be 
truly said, There is none other like it to be found 
anywhere on the globe. A land of magnificent 
farms and forest trees, of beautiful rivers and pic- 
turesque mountains, of broad lakes and sounds, 
the land of vines and roses, where from nat- 
ure's conservatory may be cut at all seasons, 
the richest and rarest flowers ; a land which, in 
truth, flows with milk and honey ; a land wherein 
should live a people than whom none ought to 
be happier, there is to be found white men, and 
many of them base white men, men with minds 
disposed by nature to vicious and desperate ends ; 
men to whom virtue and character are stran- 
gers; men flt associates for criminals — so lost 
to shame and all that is ennobling and elevat- 
ing that they are willing to arouse and incite 
the negro race to hatred and dislike of the people 
of the South, who would be disposed to aid and 
assist them. 



20 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

This should not be true. The uegio has had a 
generation of advantages, educated into a knowl- 
edge of better things ; but the seed of these bad 
and wicked men is sown into a walling and fer- 
tile soil. The negro listens and nuitures these 
teachings with as nnich pleasure as his emo- 
tional nature permits him to enjoy the teachings 
of his favorite minister. So vast is this ])reju- 
dice and bad feeling between the races growing 
that, in those sections wherein the negroes are 
in the majority, he becomes intolerably insolent, 
impudent and unbearable. He seems to be fully 
possessed with the idea that freedom to the ne- 
gro is not understood by our white people, un- 
less he is insulting and insolent. His disposition 
is to drive out the white people in those settle- 
ments wherein he is largely in the majority by 
making it well nigh dangerous for law-abiding- 
whites to live near by. In this there is hope for 
the purpose of this work — it argues that the ne- 
gro takes kindly to the idea of colonization, 
evincing a desire to be left alone. 

it is bad faith in the negro who. while condi- 
tions existing in the South will not permit him 
to fill office, is willing, in oidei- to satisfy his 
l»i(|Uf. tn elevate lueu unfit for the discharge of 
the duties of oflice. ill part, as a lueaus of pun- 
isliing their white I'lieiids. while thev. tluMu- 
selves, are hkewise ituiiished. thus showing the 
(liiihef.it ion of his (hsiike and hat red of ( he other 



RACE FEELING IN THE SOUTH. 21 

race, while at the same time losing sight of the 
fact, he is planning for his own ultimate ruin. 

Another gi-cjwing cause of dislike of the white 
man hy the negro is the want of virtue among 
their race — their young women become an easy 
prey to the siren voice of passion's tongue. This 
incites the jealousy even to desperate anger of 
the negro, who feel they might, at least, be the 
recipient of as many favors from the women of 
their own color, to say nothing of the impassible 
barrier which separates him from the females of 
the other race. It may well be said that the 
white man is in part responsible, but true, nev- 
ertheless, and the seed of discord, dislike and ha- 
tred is taking deeper root and the races getting 
further apart. This want of virtue among their 
own females may be the cause of a retaliatory 
sentiment in the minds of negro men, which 
manifests itself in the commission of rape upon 
the white women, which is sure to be followed 
by a lynching, making an opportunity for the 
Northern press to get in its work of exciting and 
inflaming the Northern mind. We know of no 
cause which tends more to increase and deepen 
the hati'ed of this race for the whites than to 
lynch one of their number for the rape of a white 
woman. 

Lynch one for the assassination of some victim 
at the hour of midnight, for applying the torch 
to the home where sleeps the mother and inno- 



22 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

cent babes, oi for any other capital offence of 
far less magnitude, does not begin to compare in 
extent of feeling aroused when one is lynched 
for tlie rape of a white woman. It is not infre- 
quent to hear them argue thus: \\'hite men are 
largely responsible for the want of virtue among 
oui- women; a young girl of our race of comely 
figure cannot esca])e the seductive meshes o^" 
their i)assion. If a white man rai)es one of our 
race it is ridiculed, but if one of us dares to 
break the impassable barrier separating us, and 
forces a white woman to surrender her person 
to the gratification of his i)assion, he is sure to 
die the death, and why? Echo answers, why. 
This, of course, greatly inflames the negro. 

The negroes in their own midst have not the 
safest advisers; while some of the things they 
suffer at tlic hands of the whites are wrong, yet, 
"It is wise to endure, what we cannot cure." 
When a people are in the midst of conditions, 
over which, for the present, they have no con- 
trol, wisdom would teach it the best to endure, 
and with jjatience try to correct the evil by re- 
moving the exciting cause. Folly would en- 
deavor to encourage the exciting cause into a 
repetition of those tilings which so greatly offciid ; 
the candle tly goes for the light of t he candle 
until be is dcsti-oyed in the flame; and we must 
add. t hat sonic of t lie would-be wise mrii ol t heir 
i.icc an- guilty of gi'avc folly, w hen, like Uisliop 



RACE FEELING IN THE SOUTH. -J'A 

Turner, of Atlanta, Georgia, advises his i)eoi)le 
as follows: 

"■ The fiendish lynching of John Jackson and 
Archibald Joiner upon mere suspicion in Louis- 
iana, while the African Methodist- Episcopal 
Bishops were meeting in New Orleans, only a 
few" miles from the scene of blood and death, was 
most damnable. Let every negro in this country, 
with a spark of manhood in him, supply his 
house with one, two or three guns, or with a 
seven or sixteen shooter, and we advise him to 
keep them loaded and ready for immediate use, 
and when his domicile is invaded by bloody 
lynchers, or any mob by day or night. Sabbath 
or week day, turn loose your missiles of death, 
and blow your fiendish invaders into a thousand 
giblets. 

" We have had it in our minds to say tliis for 
seven years, but on account of our Episcopal 
status, we hesitated to express ourselves thus, 
fearing it would meet the disapproval of the 
House of Bishoi)s, but their approval or disap- 
proval has done nothing to stop the fiendish nuir- 
derers who stalk abroad and are exterminating 
my race; so we have now said it, and hereafter 
we shall speak it, preach it, tell it and write it 
again. Again we say, get your guns negroes: 
get guns, and may God give you good aim wiien 
you shoot." 

We say this was grave folly ; not that we jus- 



'2A TlIK RACK PHOHLKM. 

tifv tlu' lyiuluTs. for we are not in the full })os- 
session of all the ciicumstances and facts, but 
[::rave folly for that, right or wrong, it tends to 
excite, inflanie and madden the mind of the 
whites even to a degree of desperation. 

We have offered in the foregoing i)ages of this 
(•ha})ter a few^ of the reasons, which aie mutual, 
for the growing dislike between the two races. 

W'c now submit a few which tend to make the 
white man dislike the negro. It seems a part of 
his nature to make all out of his white friends 
his opportunities will admit, and it is frequently 
the case in wijys w liidi w ill not stand the crucial 
test of moral examination. 

Recently we overheard a negro song, t\ni dog- 
gerel of which runs thus : 

" What's de use my workin" so liard'.' 
My wife works in a wliite man's yard ; 
She cooks de cliicken and saves me de win^; 
She thinks Fse workin", but I ain't doin" a tiling." 

It illustrates the conditions which obtain in 
the South l>etter than any words of my own. 
We know, not only do we pay and board our 
cooks, hut Iced their fainilies as well: this ena- 
bles them to save u}) their earnings, buy homes 
and dress better tb.in the poorer class of our 
white |)eo))le; who. on account of the conditions 
(•hlaining in llic South, which inak'- Hoingthis 
kind <»t \\ <»ik ()i- ordinal y manual la hoi- degrading, 
hate the nciiro. I Ic \\ nnid i;ia(ll v do all woi'k don(^ 



RACE FEELING IN THE SOUTH. 25 

by the negroes, the poorer class of our white 
women would do all the work done by the negro 
women, if customs would permit, but an inex- 
orable law of society debars our poorer whites 
from doing certain kind of work, making it de- 
tract from their social standing and respectabil- 
ity. As before said, our people would gladly do 
all the work, our women would gladly go out to 
service as domestics, taking a real pleasure in a 
work which in tarn for their reward would bring 
them a competent and independent living ; with 
hands and hearts standing ready to do all work 
for an independent existence, they look on and 
see the negro race getting a monopoly of all 
work, making a comfortable living, supporting 
their families, and in many instances gathering 
about them little homes, while they stand help- 
less, ofttimes feeling the need of the subsist- 
ence they would be so willing to earn in hon- 
est toil of any kind. 

As we have seen, the iron law of customs, 
which had its beginning with the institution 
of slavery, will remain with this race of peo- 
ple whenever and wherever they sojourn among 
the whites. The negro, while free, is called upon 
to do certain kinds of work, because the customs 
of slavery in a lesser degree obtains ; his white 
employer will order him about in a manner un- 
like the way he would prefer to speak to a white 
servant; he would call upon him to do work 



•2H THE RACE PROBLEM. 

which custonis foi hid he should ask. or that the 
white man should do. Tlie very custom itself is 
the tap-root of a deep-seated, wide-spread and 
growing hatred hetween the two races. The 
poor whites are wont to cry out in the agony 
of their souls against a fate and custom wiiich 
gives to the interior and ex-slave race su])erior 
advantages and op])ortunities of a livelihood. 

As all of us know in the ISouth, the seed of 
discord is sown in the minds of the little chil- 
dren, and they gi<»w ii}) in this sui)renie hatred 
each for the other, which increases, takeu to- 
gether with other reasons herein stated, widen- 
ing and deepening the gulf separating the two 
races. The men of influence and wealth in the 
South see these conditions; they wish it were 
otherwise; and were it j)()ssihle for them to hring 
ahout a change, gladly would tht\\ do so, and 
welcome its coming. Indeed, the negro, in a 
measure, limited in extent, we trust, hreaks the 
hai'mony of concord and agreement hetween 
these and tht^ ])0()rer class <»f whites: the lattei- 
see these in the homes of the well-to-do, getting 
work, i)ay and a good living, reasons himself 
into a feeling of dislike foi- his more fortunate 
wliilc tiieiids. ill tli.it lie Itelieves tile negro is 
given the pi'efei'eJice. But «>!i! liow vastly mis- 
taken they are; conditions and cnsJonis make it. 
not clioice. Foi' thes(\ the men of influence, and 
we.ihli would liavc il otiieiwise if it were |)ossi- 



RACE FEELING IN THE SOUTH. ^7 

ble; they, too, are tired of being- made the com- 
mon prey of this race ; they are impatient with 
the negro's ingratitude and growing insolence; 
w^hile the negroes, as tlieir em})l()yers well know, 
entertain the same feeling for them they do for 
the poorer white brothers, and are restrained 
from an open exhibition of their feeling, in the 
fear of the loss of employment and discharge. All 
of us are frequently made to see evidences and 
unmistakable signs of the feeling this race has 
for the whites, in frequent occurrences, like the 
following: Soon after the election, when it was 
made certain that Major McKinley was elected 
President, a lady in Tarboro, N.>C.. went to hire 
a cook. She called at the home of a negro wo- 
man known to be efficient in that service, and 
was told, ''No, indeed, madam, you cannot hire 
nie to cook ; more than that, the time is not far 
distant when conditions will change and we will 
have you for our cooks." 

Sometime in the fall of 1 S9f) a certain lady of 
influence and wealth was traveling in eastern 
North Carolina on the train, when a negro man 
came and demanded she give him a seat with 
her; he was told she would do no such thing; a 
negro worn. an just in the rear, said, " I would 
have that seat or die '' — this, too, in violation of 
well-established rules of the railroad company's 
providing separate coaches for this race. Re- 
cently a small gathering of negroes were over- 



2S THE RACK PROBLEM. 

heard discussing the future, in which they were 
heard to say, that we negioes must have a war 
here and clean out the white people. Ridiculous 
conclusion, of course, for the result of such a war 
would he different. 

We only mention this as some evidence of feel- 
ing at present existing in the South, which will 
lead u]) in the distant future to greater evils we 
know not of. " Coming events cast their shad- 
ows before." We have the shadows. When 
we will reach the events, and|^how dangerous will 
be theii- proportions, none Imt an allwise God 
can tell. Of this, more will be said in another 
chapter. 

The feeling of hatred and dislike existing in 
the South l)etween the races is not confined to 
this generation, for the aged of our people well 
know and can testify that the negro has always 
entertained an extreme dislike, with a feeling 
akin to hatred, for the poorer classes of white 
l)eople. This feeling is mutual. The i)oorer 
classes of whites in the days of slavery despised 
the negro with great bitterness of feeling, so that 
the soil has ])een in good condition from the be- 
ginning, into which the se( d of discord, envy, 
jriiloiisy. and even liatrcd has liccii sown and 
(ajclully cultivated hy both races for had all llie 
wiiiie, in) matter what^the wislu s oi those who 
have made honest efforts to allay discord and har- 

niiiiii/e all differences hetweell (he l-iees. Then. 



RACE FEELlNfi IN THE SOUTH. 29 

again, the Northern press has done much in sow- 
ing the seed of discord, and causing tliis feeling of 
dishke to gather vohiine .and force in its growth 
and extent ; while the distinguished AVendell Phil- 
lips, Bishop Gill)ert Haven, and Canon George 
Kawlinson have added a dou])]e measure of their 
full share in widening, deepening and lengthening 
the gap, even to making an abyss whose width, 
depth and length cannot be measured — in advis- 
ing, preaching and proclaiming that the solution 
of the race problem in the South could only be 
by the amalgamation of the two races. They 
might as well have shaken a red flannel flag in 
the face of a Spanish bull, or applied a fire brand 
to a powder magazine. 

How much mischief and harm such men have 
done in making lines hard and difficult, not alone 
for the negro, but for both races in the South, 
can never be known. Near the birth of the pres- 
ent generation, in our State Constitutions, we 
forever declared against the inter- marriage of 
the races. If these celebrities could to-day pass 
through our Southland, they would see oui' peo- 
ple further from their advice and preaching than 
they were at the close of the war, which i-e- 
sulted in the negro's freedom. 

We of the South believe that the amalgama- 
tion of the two races is no part of God's i)lan. 
In this we believe our Northern friends agree. 
A nobler race of people, of proud inheritance, 



80 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

brave lueii, w ith beautiful women, never adorned 
any spot of this earth. Possessed of virtue, in- 
teUigence, and great race pride, to say that they 
would amalgamate with the negro race would 
be to turn back the wheels of evolution, to stop 
progress, deny all that scientists have done and 
discovered in all ages, and start afiesh down the 
road of race degradation and ruin. " " Over 
the few marriages between white women and 
negro men, which occasionally occur in tln' 
North, we draw the mantle of charity, and at- 
tribute such f(jlly in white women to mental de- 
rangement and temporary insanity. No self- 
respecting white woman, in the full possession 
of her senses, North or South, would ever l)e so 
lost to shame and love of race pride as to unite 
herself in marriage with a negro, to become the 
mother of a hybrid nuilatto race, (lod foil'ids 
such a union. 

While we give the negro credit for nuich and 
believe him capable of more progressive advance- 
uieiil. in the way of learning and civilization, 
\'et we know he is an inferior race, who, undei- 
the most favorable conditions, will not and can- 
not ever achieve what his white friend (an. be- 
en use it is not 1 be imrpose of ( lod, t lie gi'eat wise 
Cieatoi'. tliat he should; then to say tbat tbe 
amalgamation of tbe two races is tlie sobition ot 
the great race |tr<tblcni in tbe Soutb is only to 
insult t Ik' \irt ue ;ui(l intelligence of ;i |ii'oU(l peo- 



RACE FEELING IN THE SOUTH 81 

pie. Scientific investigation has shown that 
amalgamation produces an inferior race. 

We here call attention to and invite a careful 
perusal of that able work, by Prof. Alexander 
Winchell, LL. D., " The Preadamites. " If any 
such there be in this country, or in any land now, 
who fear that the white people of the South will 
amalgamate with the negro, let him })ut feai's 
forever to sleep, nevei' again to awake. Our chil- 
dren and children's children are being taught 
the dangerous consequences of such a course to 
posterity. Let it be here said to the credit of the 
negroes that they are as jealous of the pure blood 
of their race, and as a people guard the teachings 
of the rising generation against such practices. 

We have seen some of the reasons in the fore- 
going pages, which was the beginning, growth 
and extension of the great and impassible sea 
which divides these two people. In presenting 
these, a careful effort has been made to be just 
and truthful. In the succeeding chapters of this 
work we will endeavor to point out what must 
appear to advanced thinkers as the onh' true so- 
lution of the race problem in the South . 



:y2 TITK RACE PROBLEM. 

CHAPTER 111. 

"CAN WE COLONIZE THE NE(iRO '? " 

The answer to this query depends largely uiu)ii 
three important questions : 

First, and most important of these, is tlie 
amount of interest the white race of the United 
States will take in tlie work of colonization. 

Second. The plan of colonization and tlie means 
used in effecting it. 

Third. The place or territory wherein it is pro- 
posed to colonize them. 

The consideration of the first and third will be 
found in other chapters of this work. 

We have seen in the previous chapter some 
evidence of a disposition in the negro to congre- 
gate and live in exclusion of other races. This, 
we think, is obedient to natural laws and in- 
stincts. A saying that '* birds of a feather will 
flock together" is appropos here. The author 
of these words certainly understood tlie natural 
tendencies of all known living ci-eatures. His 
poetry had certainly as nmcli, if not more, of 
common sense, observation and experience as it 
has (»f rhyme. Hjvery species of animal (•i-(\-ition 
observe strictly this law of nature, and in tliis 
We iiie;ni not oiilv animals. Imt the fowl oT llu' 
air and the (islies of llie sea as well. Take, for 



CAN WE COLONIZE THE NECiKO V :;:'> 

instancB, animals of the same genus but diftVn-- 
ing in species, left undisturbed they would never 
interbreed; nor would they ever associate and 
mingle in companionship, each with thc^ otlier. 
The same is true of the human family; if obser- 
vent of nature's instincts and tendencies, they 
would never hybridize. We feel sure that the 
negro, obedient to natural instincts, would like 
to assemble together in exclusion of all others, 
in some place wherein they could live solely, sep- 
arately and alone. In this does he differ from 
our observation of the experience of other mem- 
bers of the human family ? Do we not see the 
Israelites, while scattered over the face of the 
earth, gathering themselves together in little 
colonies, in those towns where they happen to 
be, living to themselves socially, inter- marrying 
with none but their own race ? This people, 
throughout the world, are to-day forming them- 
selves into societies and planning their return to 
Palestine. The Jew^s are with us, but not of us. 
Their desire to return to their native land is in 
conformity to natural laws, which are Divine, 
and therefore obedient to the wall of God. Go 
to the city of New York and other large cities, 
and w^e find the German settlements, Chinatown, 
Italian quarters, and on to the end of the cata- 
logue. Like the Gulf stream in the sea of waters, 
still maintaining their separate and distinct 
identity. 



;U THF. RACE PKOBLKM. 

N\'t' liMvc t;ivt'ii ill the foregoing some reasons 
show ill- tilt- tendencies of this race, like all others, 
to congregate and live togetlier in exclusion of 
other people. There is little reason to douht the 
willingness of this ])eople to embrace any favor- 
;iltlc o|ipoituiiily lo coloiii;:!'. under the auspices 
ol this govermneiit. JS'o well ileveloi)ed plan, of 
which the author has any knowledge, extensive 
in detail, has been given to the public, looking 
to the separation ol' the two races and the coloni- 
zation of the negro, it is true, we believe, some 
have hinted or suggested colonization in some of 
the South American States, also in Arizona and 
in New Mexico of the United States. We do not 
think that any proposed ]>lan of colonization of 
this race in any unfavoivd section slioukl l)e en- 
terl.iiiied. however, the ])lace suited and the rea- 
sons lor its selection will he j'onnd in another 
' ha]tt(M'. In this chapter the plan and possibility 
<tf coloiii/ation are discussed. 

Lei the general ( io\'ernineiit pnrcliase some 
ra\(tr<'<| section of the country, open up the land 
tor ('lit ly in small homesteads to each settler, 
;iii(l make appropriations, small of coni'se, to 
each laniily with which to aid in gett ing about 
I hciii t he necessaries ol' lil'e. wit h w liich to stai't. 
It would prohablv he well to charge a small sum, 
according to valiK. lor the Lmd entered, to he 
p.dd tor at soini' I ime in I he tnt nie. making the 
time loii;4 and I he ji.iy meiit s siiiall: then have 



CAN WE COLONIZE THE NEGRO V 85 

the residents of other States to make no sale of 
land to this race, but, by moral suasion and all 
other fair and legitimate means, endeavor to get 
them to migrate to the section of country set 
ai)art for their special benefit. Let it be a part 
of the work of the whites to point out to this 
race the good results which must flow to them 
from permanent colonization. 

At the same time, i)resent to their minds in a 
forceful way the great and disastrous conse- 
quences which must come at some time in the 
future, from continued existence together of the 
two races within the same boundary, contribu- 
ting much to the great work by withholding em- 
ployment. We believe that the negro would 
gladly embrace the opportunity and begin at 
once to move out from among his white friends, 
on account of the appreciable reasons aheady 
given, and which will more elaborately l)e dis- 
cussed in other chapters of this woik. 

Among other causes, which would induce the 
negro to settle by themselves are his great love 
of powei", his desire and ambition to rule, which 
he well knows he can never do among the whites ; 
his love for the unity of his people, their natural 
disposition, which we have already seen, is to 
live together in exclusion of other races. 

Their evident dislike of the white people, with 
whom they have already lived a generation, on 
account of the mutual hatred existing between 



36 THK RACK PROBLEM. 

this race and the pix^rei' classes of whites, who 
are in the majority. The thoughtful of his race 
are as much perplexed over the race prohlem iu 
the South as are the whites. While much re- 
gretted hy the hetter class of negroes, they know 
tliat it is only necessary for time to culminate 
this great problem, greater than all issues con- 
cerning our welfare, into a solution, freighted 
with awful consequences to both ])eoj)le. We 
wish to emphasize the fact that it is regretted, 
deeply so, by the thoughtful of both races, but, 
notwithstanding these regrets, the handwriting- 
is seen upon the wall. This true, the leaders of 
this race would, w^e think, act in concert witli 
the people of this country, having their Avell- 
being at heart, induce the negroes to migrate to 
the section bought and set ai)art by the general 
government for them, with api)ropriate assist- 
ance to stai-t them in their new home ; especially 
so, if the general government would have a su- 
perintending, paternal care over them, in the for- 
mation of tliat goverinuent best suited to their 
new conditions. Surely this assistance, advisory 
and iielpfnl in tlie formation of tueir government, 
substantial and material, in getting a])out them 
the means and ways of an existence, would be 
freely given by all good ])oo])l(> of this country. 
of which class it is hojted (tur legislators and 
statesmen :\\r ni;i(le. 

The good will of tln' |teo|»|(' of the Tniled 



CAN WE COLONIZE THE NE(JRO V :)7 

States, and certainly, too, of the South, which 
would be measured not only in wishes but in 
deeds and substance, the negro would take with 
him in his new home. 

The race feeling, we have seen in the preced- 
ing chapter, existing in the South, the natural 
tendencies of all races to live in exclusion of 
others, the proposed plan of the government to 
help him in securing homes and paternally ad- 
vising and assisting in the formation of his plan 
of government, the^dangers which they must see 
through the mist of years towards humanity of 
both races in the South, the results of such a 
conflict in the survival of the fittest and strong- 
est, and conversely the destruction of the weaker, 
can haN^e, we think, but one effect, the hearty 
approval of the opportunities of gathering to- 
gether this people in some favored chme, sepa- 
rate and apart from all others, where alone and 
undisturbed, they may serenely enjoy the glory 
of that power, peace and i)rosperity which the 
friends of this race hope foi- them in the years to 
come, when a full opportunity, if ever is given, 
to exemplify to the world their abihty. 



;^S THK KACE PKOBLEM. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE negro's capacity FOR SELF-(i()VERNMENT 
AND SKPAKATE EXISTENCE. 

We have no sufficient data, drawn from actual 
experience of any civilized and intelligent race 
of negroes, in modern times — ^there are no such. 
We are driven, then, to speak from ohservation 
and experience of those we know something of. 

Our knowdedge of the hahits. customs and 
ways of the Southern negro is such as to teach 
us to expect a favorable answer to the query. 
Tn those sections of the Southern States whcicin 
this race are largely in the majority — for in- 
stance, in Mississii)pi, Louisiana and Alabama, 
the negro becomes large land-owners, good farm- 
ers. ])i'os])eroiis and sncccssfid. 

Taking a com])arison made hetwiHMi contigu- 
ous counties wherein the blacks are largely in 
the majority in the one. the wliites in the other, 
we find the taxable vahie of the jdoperty largely 
fa\<n'able to the negro. Again, considei-ing the 
whole State, in any one whei-ein this lace out 
nninhei-s all others and eoniitarison made, at 
least, shows that the hiack States hold their own 
in ])oint of ])T-os]»(^rity, the (-(mdition of the peo- 
ple at \i-.i<\ as good as are found in those States 
wherein iIh' whites are largely in the inaioi'ilv. 



CAPACITY FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT. .'59 

They maintain in these negro settled States, 
schools of a high order, successfully managed hy 
their own race. The reader's attention is invited 
to an examination of the work done at Shaw 
University and St. Augustine College, North 
Carolina; Claflin University. South Carolina; 
Alcorn and other colleges in Mississippi, and 
other higher institutions of learning in Alahama, 
Georgia and other Southern States. 

Human nature is such that all of us will make 
more desperate eft'cn-ts in our own service than 
we will in the service of others. 

Colonized alone, with their own little farms to 
cultivate, homes to improve, we would find this 
people, not unlike others, hut desirous of suc- 
ceeding in the race of life, changing from an idle 
laborer, if such a contradictory term may ever 
be used, into a selfish property gatherer. They 
would be possessed by a spirit of emulation and 
rivalry, which at all times is a great incentive, 
to say nothing of the selfish desire of the power 
which money and property brings, common to 
not a few of all mankind. Colonized they see 
the possibilities of greater success of becoming 
the owner of large fields, of broad acres, that 
which they cannot easily have among their white 
friends. It is true, however, as we have seen, 
he can more surely and certainly, on account of 
conditions in the South, about which we have 
heretofore spoken, more easily buy aud pay for 



40 THK RACK PROBLKM. 

lit ill' hollies and dress better tliaii the poorer 
classes of whites-in the towns. Yet the oppor. 
tiiiiltii's of i;('ttiii^- farms, certainly of any size 
niiiong the whites, is out of the (piestion. for the 
reason that such ])laces are not foi' sale to him, 
besides he has but little ambition to accumulate 
more than his home, for that money and prop- 
fity. under i)re3ent conditions, cannot liny for 
liiiii power and influence. 

Another thing whicli would greatly aid the 
colonized negroes would be the genuine and sin- 
cere assistance which all Christian and good ])eo- 
ple in this country will render them. The chil- 
dren and grandchildrcMi of slave owners still 
have traditionary notions of fondness for this 
race, and in their new^ home they would be the 
recipients of the kindness and good will which 
they now have, and we insist, in a larger degree, 
foi' lli;it the e.xciting tendencies of race feeling, 
to aliatc his willing action, will be removed with 
thrill ill the distance. More than that, the i)lain 
pcdpjc. or, perhaps, more ex]»ressive, the poorer 
classes of white people, would so welcome the 
(•(»ining of the ])lan of separation by colonization, 
lli.il. iiotwithstandiiig tiieir great bitterness of 
reeling, about wliicli we lia\(' heretofore spoken 
in other chapters, tliev would gladly and will- 
ingly |>ay the taxes now so grudgingly given 
i'ov the education of this race, to iiid and assist 
tlieiii in tlieir new lioiiies, renio\t'(J from conflict 



CAPACITY FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT. 41 

with them in the industrial race, constituting no 
longer a barrier to their success. Then the North- 
ern friends of this race, always disposed to aid 
them, could, with less restraint, carry on their 
work of assistance. All of this we are fully per- 
suaded would stimulate the negro to greater 
deeds and efforts to succeed and be like his white 
neighbors, especially when his missionary white 
friends, from all parts, interested in his success 
and well-being, would come among them, teach, 
and show them the ways of life. Race pride 
would play no inconspicuous part in urging them 
onward to success; aware that the eye of the 
world would center its gaze, critically too, upon 
them, would be an incentive which would stir 
them both in mental and physical activity ; know- 
ing well that thousands of expectant friends 
anxiously, but hopefully awaited the results of 
their own experience, would inspire them under 
their new condition to great efforts. 

We now come to consider the negroes' capacity 
for self-government. This, too, will be experi- 
mental ; we are aware that many there are, who 
will insist that this race is incapable of mak- 
ing or creating any government founded upon 
Christian example and moral precept, managed 
in an enhghtened and civiHzed manner, for the 
greatest good of their people. We are aware that 
there are those who insist that this people, left 
by themselves, would relapse into barbarism and 



42 THE KACE PROBLEM. 

the benighted practices of their Afric ancestors. 
AVe are aware th^t many insist that this people 
would not exist save and except in a state of bar- 
l)aric life, as did his ancestors in his native land, 
if he had not the plenteous barn and smokehouse 
of his w^hite friend to go to. 

The valuable lessons of their slave ancestors, 
learned while in touch with their white masters, 
and in turn handed down to their posterity, that 
thirty-two years of education of the present gen- 
eration, learned in the presence of the white 
man, with the benefits of the directing influence 
of their salutary exaniidc would serve them no 
good purpose, if colonized, and left alone to work 
out the problem of their own race existence. 
We admit that what the Southern negroes are the 
white race of the South have made them ; it is true 
that if they are anything, it is the result of the 
training and education by example and precept of 
their white friends as well as the learning had in 
the school-i'ooiu. 

We know that the negro is an imitative crea- 
ture, for that matter, who is not'? and living with 
the white ])eo])le he is constantly doing whatever 
he sees his white friends do. We nvv not for- 
getful th:it the best way of teaching is by exam- 
ple. We are uot forgetful tliat to reiuove liini 
woiiM (le|>iive this p(M)j)]e of much in this way; 
then he woultl he ihixt'H to the necessity of iu- 
(le|ien(lent action .ind thought: and onr en(|nii-y 



CAPACITY FOK SELF-GOVERNMENT. 48 

iu the remaining pages of this chapter, is the 
ability and capacity of this race for independent 
action. We differ with those who are of this 
mind. We beheve the negro, colonized in some 
favorable section in the Sonthern part of the 
United States, in tonch with the Chiistian civili- 
zation, and where the governmeat can have over 
him a parental, supervising care, would give to 
the world a surprising demonstration of his ca- 
pacity to manage his own affairs. 

Certainly we do not mean to convey the idea 
that he would offer to the world any conspicuous 
example of government worthy of emulation in 
the beginning duiing the first years of their new 
histor5^ for who would expect that of this race ? 
This we mean, that left alone, taking with him 
the education and training of a genei-ation, and 
in easy reach of the white man's government, 
whom he has shown a disposition in other mat- 
ters to imitate; this people would satisfy the 
world of their ability, not only to prosper and 
get ahead in the management of living and prop- 
erty getting, but like ability to govern them- 
selves. Were they not in the remote ages of an- 
tiquity in civilization and enlightenment, in ad- 
vance of all people y Does not ancient history 
prove that, ''when Asia was a land of tents and 
shepherds, Greece a waste, Rome a desert, and the 
western coutinent unknown in song and story, 
Africa rose the proud mother of nations and the 



4+ THE RACE PROBLEM. 

central source of civilization and social refine- 
ment y " 

We know, those of us who have given the mat- 
ter any thought, that the negroes' environments 
check and c;url) theii- ambition ; they know that 
education to them is only useful to the extent of 
learning to read and write and make figures; 
beyond this they have no incentive; for that 
the ' best they can hope to do, and the Kmit of 
theii ambition, is to teach in the conniion schools, 
with an occasional chance of becoming a little 
prominent, with his own people, as a minister 
of the Gospel. They know that in the field of 
possibilities open to white men, they have not 
and will not be permitted to enter. Colonized, 
with the rights of self-government, at once you 
open up a new world to them, they see the pos- 
sibilities of greatness, in the realms of science and 
higher education ; open to them the way to a seat 
in the United States Senate and in the halls of 
Congress, chances of Governorship, Judgeship, 
and all the offices innumerabK^ in the system of 
State government; at once you i]isj)ire them to 
greater deeds; they would call u])on the latent 
energies of their being to gratify their ;inil)i1 ion : 
they would i)ut into the work tlie utmost and 
best strength of theii- natui-e; <'nnil;it ion and 
rivalry wouhl play theii- best r(de, in a word, 
with tlii'in lolonized in States, uitli a rightoC 
seH'-irovernnient. tlie\ wonid tind ail the ave- 



CAPACITY FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT. 4;") 

naes of greatness in the professions and all things 
open to him that are open to the whites in other 
sections. The love of power and influence, which 
conies with the position, the influence which 
money and property brings would have full play 
upon their inspiration for nobler and greater 
efforts to acquire them. 

We have some evidence of the negroes' capac- 
ity to govern and organize among us ; we know 
that their church organizations are superb. We 
will pause here to say that this race love their 
church. They are religious, and wait upon the 
ordinances of their church with almost idolatrous 
pleasure. The will of the pastor is supreme, if 
worthy, and they have confidence in him. No 
emperor ever had greater influence over his peo- 
ple than they have over their flocks. All of us 
know the power of their political organizations ; 
no people or party have given a greater exam- 
ples of perfect political organizations than we 
have, in this race of people in the South, except 
in those sections of the South where State Con- 
stitutions impose quahfication to suffrage, or the 
right of ballot. 

Their Burial Societies are managed with con- 
summate success. In this they set an example 
which the whites, and especially the poorer 
whites, might well follow. Their lodges, in so 
far as the public have any knowledge, are as 
well managed as the lodges and secret orders of 



46 THE RACE PKOBLEM. 

the whites. We know tliat in those sections 
wherein he is thickly settled, and especially in 
those sections where they live in entire exclusion 
of almost all others, those who own their homes 
are the best citizens, and wield a powerful intiii- 
ence for good. From this is adduced the argu- 
ment, that those who get property, either among 
us or when colonized, would make an effort for 
the protection of themselves and their posses- 
sions, as well as for others wlio own pi-()))erty, 
to have good government. 

Wo have seen in another chai)ter the plan of 
colonization would be to interest all in good gov- 
ermiient by making them property owners, open- 
ing u]) entries of homestead to them at little or 
no cost, becoming owners of their homes would 
at once beget in them the desire of good govern- 
ment for the protection of home and family. 

Those of us who think it well for the good of 
posterity and the future of our Southern coun- 
try, forming no inconsiderable part of this Un- 
ion, in wliich every citizen of this nation should 
feel a great interest without ivgard t(^ section, 
that the negro siiould be colonized, have never 
at any time entertained the thought of sending 
ihiin into a State of separate existence, wilhont 
sending with liini, not only the good will and best 
wishes foi- th«*ii' success, of our ])eo])le, but thos(» 
cajiable of ti-acliing and wilHng to instrnci him 
in 1 he arl of seH'-u-oveiiuncnl . The friends of 1 lie 



CAPACITY FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT. 47 

negro would desire that the general Government 
shall take a part in the formation of their State 
government, at least until he has hecome accus- 
tomed to and practiced in the ways of governing 
and directing the affairs of State. The friends 
of this race, both North and South, would wish 
the general Government to furnish him substan- 
tial^aid, not only in the art of governing, but in 
the more practical and needful lessons of living 
and earning a separate and independent exis- 
tence. 

There are good people in all sections of this 
country, patriotic men and women inspired by 
love of humanity, as well as their love of coun- 
try, who would be willing to give of their means 
and time in helping and teaching this race of 
people in their new homes the ways of good 
government and moral life. The world never 
has seen a more marked example of encourage- 
ment, sincere and well meant, even to the point 
of rendering material aid and substantial assis- 
tance by neighboring people of another race, 
than the negro would have, as a people, in their 
new and colonized home. The nation would 
w^ish their success because they would form a 
part of this nation of people. This nation would 
do all possible to aid and encourage them in the 
field of industrial development, in making them 
useful and good citizens ; in short, it would be to 
the interest of the United States to have them 



48 THE RACK PROBLEM. 

succeed, tor our uatioii would he stroug or weak 
just in the proportion to the prosperity, happi- 
ness and success of its whole people. 

Under these conditions we believe verily that 
the negro is capable and would manage his own 
affairs if put alone in some favored section, with 
the kindly assistance of their white friends. 

Another sign of encouragement is that the 
more intelligent and advanced thinkers of his 
pt>oi)le are beginning to have a race pride, and 
are looking towards the elvation of their i)eople. 

The love of power and influence which follows 
the possessions of wealth and intelligence, the 
encouragement they w^)uld receive from their 
white friends, the aid and assistance which this 
nation would give them, would be an incentive 
to great efforts, and greater than all this, that 
which would more influence the intelligent and 
tlioughtful of this race would be the knowledge, 
that not only the nation but the eyes of the 
world would with interest watch their success or 
laihiic: tliis more than all else would biiiig into 
play the latent energies and capahihties of this 
once great race. The satisfaction and pleasure 
of (lisa]»})ointing and surprising those who see 
lur tliis people only failure and the satisfaction 
their success would affoi'd their friends, and tliosi^ 
who beheve them (•ai)al)le would be a ])owerful. 
inciting cause of action, sufficient to biing into 
use all the ability this | pie possess. 



CAPACITY POR SKLK-CJOVEKNMENT. 4'.> 

AVe cannot (Mmelude this chapter without an 
appeal to critics to forbear. We do not know the 
possibihties of this race, and therefore ask for 
them a stay of the tongue, which will utter any 
sentiment tending to discourage them, when the 
idea of colonization has, as it certainly will, take 
possession of this people, when the matter is 
agitated. - 

Not alone will it take possession of this race, 
but we are confident when we come to think 
seriously upon the matter, that we, too, will be 
possessed with the idea of a separation as the 
best thing for the good of both races in the South. 



_5> 



50 THK HACK PHOHLKM. 

CHAPTER V. 

THE NKGKO A BARRIER TO INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. 

It has long been evident to the enquiring that 
the presence of the negro in the South is a real 
mountain in the way of Southern prosperity, 
enterprise and progress. 

With fertile lands, broad rivers, magnificent 
forests, rich in mineral resources, salubrious cli- 
mate, the South is not making the strides along 
the roadway of prospeiity and progress which 
might be expected of her. We have said the 
negro is a barrier, an obstacle of mountainous 
proportion in the road of Southern progress. It 
is with no intention on their part that this is 
true, but it is true, nevertheless. Experience 
and observation teaches, that not many more 
than one-half of the peo})le of the South are act- 
ually employed in any })r()tital)le work. Of this 
idle class there are as many of one race as there 
are of the other, though not in proportion to the 
mnnerical strength of each people. There are 
as Mianv idle white people as there are negroes. 

Hot IlKMC. While the white J)ojtulat ioll of the ten 
Southern States ( X'irgiiiia, Noith Carolina, South 
Carolina. Ceoi-gia. Kloiida, Alal)ama, Mississippi, 
Louisiana. Texas and Arkansas), was, in 1890, 
eight niillinn three linndred thousand. The ne- 



A BARRIER TO INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. .") 1 

gro population of the same States at the same 
time was five miUion eight hundred tJiousand, 
ahout fifty per cent of hoth sex of the negro 
race are idlers. There are as many idle whites, 
but not fifty per cent of the population. This 
candid statement will greatly astonish, no doubt, 
our Northern friends, who are trained to indus- 
trious habits of useful employment from their 
childhood. What is the reason for this ? There 
is a cause for every effect ; we have the effect, 
and see indolent, idle men and women (both ra- 
ces) throughout the South. Where and what is 
the cause ? Are the white people of the South 
by nature indolent and lazy ? The author will 
never make that admission. He would not so 
slander the brave sons and beautiful daughters 
of the people from whom he descended, and with 
whom he first saw the light of day, and among 
whom he has spent all the days of his life. 

Well, what is the cause ? First, let's speak 
of the idle negro and the cause of his indolence. 
The negro, by reasons of certain conditions and 
environments is not over anxious to work. His 
efficiency as a laborer we will speak of in another 
part of this chapter. They know, through the 
kind indulgence and lax ways of their more for- 
tunate white friends, whether they work or 
play, they will obtain a subsistence. Dealing 
with facts and truths, we are constrained to say 
that a part of their creed and training even from 



52 THK HACK PKOBl.KM. 

cliiklliood is to learu ways aod means to get all 
from the white ^lan they possibly can, and give 
in return for the same just as little as they can. 
This feeling generates idleness among them, in 
many ways, particularly this : The few employed, 
religiously practicing the lessons of faith and 
childhood training, get all for their labor possible 
from the white man, and then add to this store 
all else in their way, he is able to support a half- 
score in idleness, which they seem to take a great 
pleasure in doing. They can, when willing, live 
on as little as any other })eo])lo, and by grou])ing 
make the expense of house rent almost nothing. 
This condition is not true in as large a degree in 
the rural districts as in the cities and towns. 

We will })ause here to say this habit of idleness 
with the negro race would be cured, if removed 
from his white friends and thrown on his own 
personal resouces, it would then be root i)ig or 
die poor, the pig Avould root. All the world knows 
that the natural inclinations of all living crea- 
tures is to live in ease and idleness, and the pio 
j)<)rtion of idle timi'. is just in proixution lo the 
providence of other means for an existence aiid 
support. Man is no exception to this rule, and 
it is cci'tain llic negro is not. Just as long as 
tbe few employed, being mainly j)arents and older 
ones. c,in ( "ire (or •,\i\(\ suppoi't this liord of un- 
eniployed ill their idleness, llieii tile conditions 
above snokeii of will coiit iinie to e.xist. When 



A BARRIEK TO INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. 58 

this people come to know that, from their own 
corn-crib and smoke-house they must hve, a great 
change will come over the spirit of their dreams ; 
in good weather they will be seen preparing for 
the storm that is to come, the fifty per cent of 
the unemployed will be seen with the plow, 
shovel and hoe, axe and saw", using their brawn 
and muscle in honest effort to provide support 
for themselves and their dei)endents. It is true 
in a large degree the white people are responsible 
for these conditions. 

In the days of slavery, slave owners were in 
the habit of trusting much of their business, and 
especially the farm and labor, to the manage- 
ment of their slaves, who, in many instances, 
were faithful and good managers ; their owners 
became careless and enjoyed their leisure, letting 
affairs take care of themselves, in a sort of hap- 
py-go-lucky style. 

The examples of parents leave its impress upon 
the children, generation after generation, even 
to the present, have imbibed and practiced these 
careless habits of business ; the results are as is 
always the case. We have an inefficient system 
of labor and laborers, in no way comparing with 
the labor of our Northern and Western friends. 

The experience of all people teach that labor 
left" to look after itself is poor labor ; moreover, 
having the full opportunities, entrusted with the 
management of affairs, he makes the best of it, 



54 THK RACE PROBLEM. 

oot always particular and scrupulously exact in 
the returns he liiakes to his emi)loyer. From 
this we see that conditions in the South, tending 
to demoralize labor and at the same time giving 
oi)})ortunity to the few employed, whose moral 
education, for want of time, is not u]» to the 
standard, to add largely to the supplies which 
his wages would buy. enabling him to kee]) in 
idleness a horde of unemployed about him. Then, 
is it surprising that our people of the South are 
slow in the way of progress and enterprise. 

For a while now w^e will see the other side of 
the picture. We have said, that there are as 
many idle whites in the Southern States as tiiere 
are idle negroes, and in a large majority of in- 
stances, the idle of the whites are ])()orly off in 
this world's goods, and could not afford to live a 
life of idleness. We have said, also, that these 
are not idle through choice, but so from condi- 
tions surrounding them. In all sections where 
slavery ol)tains menial work is considered de- 
grading, and none but slaves are called u]»oii 
or expected to do the baser sort of labor. These 
conditions sprung uj) in the South with the be- 
ginning of slavery; the white man of w oiiiaii 
\vli(» Weill out to service in the capacity of a 
common laborer, were esteemed no bettei' llian 
the slavish negro. However foolish it may seem, 
it is nevertheless vei'ily true, as any can ]irove 

wlio cai'e to J ml ibem -selves to llie t rouble. 'I'be 



A BARRIER TO INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. 5 5 

result was and now is that the poorer classes of 
white people will eke out a miserable existence 
at home, if they are fortunate enough to have 
such, rather than go into service as cooks, house- 
maids and the like ; or men as laborers, because 
the work is considered degrading — it is the func- 
tion of the negro. In order to be respected, I 
cannot and must not do a negroes' work. Gold, 
even at high prices, will not hire our white girls 
for cooks and house-maids, although at home 
they have a scant existence, with clothes not the 
best. Oh, no, that is the negroes work, and I am 
better than a negro ; and while in need of better 
dresses and a better filled larder, still I cannot 
afford to put myself upon a common level with 
the negro; foolish condition it is true, but it is 
true notwithstanding. All of us here in the South 
know they are not so much to blame, for work 
does degrade and detract from one's social stand- 
ing. The class of the South who suffer most, 
perhaps, because of this inexorable law of so- 
ciety, is largely the aristocracy of the land. For 
generation after generation, their ancestry were 
wealthy and large slave owners ; children born, 
raised in the belief that work formed no part of 
the plan of their existence. All of this swei)t 
away by the war, finding themselves poor indeed, 
they have continued in the same state, not rally- 
ing, not recuperating their fortunes for the one 
and only reason; the little mite left, and all 



:)<; THK KAC'E PROBLEM. 

they have earned, is paid out to uegro servants, 
in order that the daughters and young men may- 
keep their hands from the degrading employment 
of work. Now will any one be unkind enough 
to say, these are not willing to work; not so, 
gladly would they better their condition by hon- 
est toil. l)ut for that inexorable and ironclad law 
of (^ur social fabric, wiiich makes work disrepu- 
table. For shame 1 for shame ! that thirty-two 
years of struggle and hardship since the smoke 
of battle cleared away, since the boys who wore 
the blue and grey laid down their arms and be- 
came friends, and yet ourpoverty-stricken people 
have not hved down these foolish conditions and 
adjusted themselves to the wants and needs of a 
people struggling to rebuild their fortunes. The 
beHef that labor degrades, added to this, the in- 
disposition of the more fortunate whites, to see 
white servants put in the same position and or- 
dered around as negroes, is the cause and means 
which make in the South as many idle white 
|)c()]»lc as there are idle negroes, not idle from 
choice, but for reasons which they cannot con- 
trol. No people on earth can prosper and do 
well, nor accumulate wealth among whom such 
tilings exist, with no well directed efforts, we 
are sorry to say, to prevent it. 

AnotlK'i- bai'rier to Southern (leveloi)ment, 
glowing out of the presence of the negro, is, as 
we have seen in anoliu'i' (•liai)l('i', the results of 



A BARRIER TO INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. ') i 

intense feeling existing between the two races, 
tending to keep and actually keeping emigrants 
and capital away from us. We have seen that 
the Northern press, using as the means the oc- 
casional lawless outbreaks in the South which 
sometimes result in lynching, to inflame the 
Northern mind, the effect of which is to frighten 
persons of small means from coming among us 
and investing their small fortunes, in the belief 
that they are resting upon a slumbering volcano, 
which at some unexpected moment may explode 
in an outbreak between the two races, sweeping 
away their little all and ])ossibly endangering 
life itself. A separation ol the two races will re- 
move the exciting cause, lynching would stop, 
the press could no longer flaunt the signal of dan- 
ger in the face of would-be settlers and investors, 
and a land so blessed by nature's bounteous gifts, 
would become the home wherein the fortunes of 
so many would be made. 

Separation of the two races would cause the 
countless thousands of unemployed whites, glad- 
ly to engage in the very work done by this people. 
While they in their new homes would engage in 
useful employment as a necessity to existence, 
being removed from the storehouse and assis- 
tance of their indulgent white friends. 

It is therefore not diflicult to sec the results 
which follow. Labor always finds its reward: 
the employment of th /^ whites would result in 



:),S THE KA("E PROBLEM. 

bettering their condition in every way, giving 
them homes, farms, honest employment, and in 
the orderly course of things, fortunes. With 
happy homes and plenty, the result and reward 
of industry, comes power, w^ealth and greatness 
to the State. 

Contrasi this with the other view, an idle peo- 
ple, with young men and young women without 
honest employment, with but poor if any home, 
less comforts, presenting the appearance of shab- 
by genteel, not enough of cash to indulge them 
in the simplest necessities of life, makes a wx'ak 
people, makes a people without power and influ- 
ence, the ambition and spirit of success goes out. 
Fortunes are seldom if ever made, a competency 
for their offspring only to a few; and this view 
is what is seen all through the South, especially 
in those partslwhere the negro foiins a conspic- 
uous part of the population. 

We have heard some insist that'the South can- 
not get on'^without them, being the only labor. 
What a mistake : 

First. Not more than fifty per cent of tliis race 
are employed. 

Second. For every idle negro m;iii .iiid woman 
in the South there is an idle white man and wo- 
man; not idle from clioice, who would be willing 
and glad to take the place and do the work done, 
if this race could be sent int(^ colonization, thus 
removing f lie degrading notions, tliat white ]>eo- 



A BARRIER TO INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. 59 

pie must not do the negroes' kind or sort of work. 
So that, if it were possible to remove him l)odily 
and at once, we have those holding their hands 
in discontented idleness, and enough ready and 
willing to fill his place without feeling the loss 
at all. 

We have already said that he is not a good la- 
borer. Of course this statement must be quali- 
fied, for that it does not apply to all; there are 
exceptions ; some of them are very good workers, 
with commendable fidelity try to earn their em- 
ployers money in doing good service; the ma- 
jority are not good laborers; they are careless 
and indifferent, oftimes doing the work in hand 
more harm than service, :ilways needing some 
one to urge them onward and see to it that their 
work is properly done. 

We have already discussed the reasons for this, 
and see that for much of his inefficiency, as a 
laborer, the white man is responsible. Send them 
into colonization, and we believe the whole 
South, including their colonized territory, will 
start upon a new era of prosperity. They in their 
new home will work to make comfortable and 
happy their own possessions. What a volume of 
meaning this sentence takes with it, to improve 
one's possessions. They would be made self-reli- 
ant, and we verily believe, and hope will become 
better and more useful citizens. Certainly we 
think their morals would improve, for then the 



60 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

great temptation to relieve their white friends of 
a part of their belongings, excusing their con- 
science in that they helped at least to make it, 
would he removed. AVe think, also, the virtue 
of the young women wTjuld be better guarded. 
It would be the pride of the better class of this 
race to use all possible means for the betterment 
of their moral condition. The knowledge of the 
fact that the eyes of all mankind are upon them, 
is the most powerful incentive to greater action, 
in the hope of winning applause, that is known. 
We will conclude this chaj^ter by contrasting 
the condition of the farmers and i)eople, in the 
western and mountainous section-; of the South- 
ern States, wiiere they are to be found only few 
in number, with the eastern and cotton sections, 
and in and near the cities and towns, where he 
forms a conspicuous part of the i)opulation, 
oftimes largely in the majority. In the former 
we find the farming people out <^f debt, most of 
them with some money, sometimes money lend- 
ers: whereas , in the negro sections, we find the 
fanners in debt, heavily mortgaged, and increas- 
ing their moi'tgages each year. What is the 
cause of this? There are two reasons. In the 
t'oiinci-. tilt' hand tliat giasps the dollar is llic 
liaiul that ma(U' i1. l)y working tor it : whereas, 
in th«' lattt'i", fainis arc too large, but chiefly, 
one white man will wear t he seat of his pants 
t liiv;i(ll),iiv Ml tlic sliadt' of a tiTc watcliiiii;- t wo 



A BARRIER TO INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. HI 

negroes, not specially interested in^his success, 
doing what he might, with applied energy and 
muscle, himself do. The former works hard 
upon his own lands, and settles with himself for 
the labor done. The latter does not work at all, 
while the negro laborers, accustomed to the care- 
less and not over-exacting ways of his white 
friends, work poorly. Suppose you take from 
him his two negro laborers, send them upon lands 
of their own, and he takes hold Avith brawn and 
muscle and does the work himself, that which 
he has been in the habit of hiring done. What 
would be the result? Each of the negroes on his 
own land would do good work, putting forth 
their best efforts to improve their homes and earn 
a support for those dependent upon them, while 
the family of the man with threadbare pants 
would witness an era of prosperity, enjoying 
comforts and luxuries to them before unknown ; 
instead of paying double wages for not the best 
of labor, with improved farming implements, 
brain and muscle, he would do the work and set- 
tle with himself for the labor. 



Hl> THE RACE PROBLEM. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE BURDEN OF EDUCATING THE NEGRO RACE TOO 
ORE AT FOR THE SOUTH ALONE. 

Another strong argument favoring the separa- 
tion of the two races in the South and the colo- 
nization of the negro, is, we think, the matter of 
education. 

Our Southern folk have acted a noble part in 
this work. With fortunes swept away by the 
ravages of war, with millions of slaves made 
free, clad with all the habiliment of citizenship, 
densely ignorant of their rights as such, unfitted 
for the new conditions, our people set themselves 
to work to ]-emove the pall of ignorance over- 
hanging this race, and prepare them by education 
to properly appreciate and u&e all rights and 
privileges given them by President Lincoln's 
Proclamation. We have s])oken of this in an- 
other chapter of this woik. It is. however, our 
purpose here to enlarge upon what has already 
been said. 

No ])eopl(' oil earth ever acted more nobly than 
(lid oiif |»eople of tlie Soul lierii States with regard 
to negro education. By Mr. Lincoln's ])roclama- 
tion this race of j)eople, who ft^r generations had 
V)een their slaves and their proj)ei-ty. were made 
citizens wit li <'(|iial rights before the Inw. All 



EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 68 

history does not give a more conspicuous exa]n- 
ple of forbearance without murmur, of a more 
wiUing and ready adjustment to new conditions. 
The people of the South set themselves to work 
to repair their broken fortunes, to educate their 
own children and the children of their old slaves. 
Our State Constitutions were remodeled to suit 
the new conditions. What a monument of glory 
to the generosity of the hearts of our Southern 
folk, to bind ourselves and our posterity to edu- 
cate the children of a slave race. The yoke of 
this burden was self-placed upon our neck. Our 
people felt kindly to the old slave. He had stood 
a faithful sentinel, guarding the homes of our 
mothers, wives and daughters while the boys in 
grey were upon the battle field of Virginia fight- 
ing to perpetuate his slavery. Then, too, he had 
au affectionate regard for his master, his wife, 
and their children. The old nurses had been as 
faithful in raising the children of their mistress, 
as they had been raising their own and loved 
them as well. We assumed the burden willingly, 
imposed the tax which the whites then and now 
almost exclusively pay, for the education of his 
child as well as our own. The burden was a 
great one, but like true men we carried it and 
paid the tax, not grudgingly, but with a willing 
and open hand. Then there was another reason 
which prompted the people of the South ; we felt 
that the best results flow from a trained and ed- 



H4 THE KA' E PROBLEM. 

ucated citizenship. Tlie fabric of the criminal 
law excused no one of (n'ime on the scoi-e of ig- 
norance. Justice demanded that the citizen 
made amenable to the law for crime, should be 
educated in the knowledge of the law, which 
punished for crime, that he might know the 
thing is forbidden and learn obedience to the law. 

Responsive to the demands of justice, to en- 
lighten an ignorant people, to fit them for citi- 
zenship, to give them an understanding of our 
institutions, to acquaint them with the law and 
the ways to observe it ; as Christians, to ])repare 
them for religious truths, and to teach them that 
good citizenship consisted in obedience to official 
requirements; to love the form of government 
under which they lived, was the task our people 
willingly took upon themselves, and have faith- 
fully discharged the responsibilities thereof. 

We do not mean to be forgetful of the assis- 
tance rendered in negro education in the South 
by our Northern friends, both in furnishing 
teachers and means to build school houses, and 
establishing larger institntions of learning, which 
is a monument to their generosity and Christian 
j>urpose. 

Ill speaking of the disposition of the Southern 
people to iicgi-o education. W. .). Hai'ris, Com- 
missione]' of Education, in his able rej)ort for 
1S!H— 1s<j:,, on i)age i:iM2, says: "It is a fact 
wfl! known, tli;i1 .•iliimsl the entire bui'den of 



EDUCATio:- OF 'VUK NEGKO. «5 

negro education in the South falls upon the white 
property owners of the former slave States. Of 
the more than seventy-five million dollars ex- 
pended in the past twenty years for the instruc- 
tion of the colored children in the Southern pub- 
lic schools, but a small per cent was contributed 
by the negroes themselves, in the way of taxes. 
This vast sum has not been given grudgingly. 
The white people of the South believe that the 
State should place a common school education 
within the reach of every child; and they have 
done this much, to give all citizens, white and 
black, an even start in life." 

These are just words of praise, and the people 
of the South thank you, Mr. Commissioner Har- 
ris, for them. 

It is estimated that of the former sixteen slave 
States, composed of Delaware, Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Flor- 
ida, Alabama, Mississippi, west of the Mississippi, 
Missouri, Arkansas, Lousiaua and Texas, twenty- 
seven per cent of all school revenues are expend- 
ed in the education of the negro children. It 
will be remembered, however, that the negro 
race forms only a small part of the population 
of many of these States. That when we consider 
those States wherein the population is nearly 
evenly divided between the two races, then we 
find the public school revenues, instead of being 



<;r; THK rack l^iOBLEM. 

twenty seven per cent for this racy, is titty per 
cent, and in some instances more. In short, 
always divided, with, we believe, only one ex- 
ception, pro rata, according to the respective 
number of childi-en of each race. Take, for in- 
stance, the State of Mississippi. White children 
of school age, 212,7o(i; colored, :^.(>9,8(»(i; Louis- 
iana — white, 203,400; colored, 2U),T00; South 
Carolina — white, 171,60(i; colored, 28S, 100 (here 
we find much over fifty per cent of the i)ublic 
school revenue goes to the education of the ne- 
gro children, while in Alabama and Georgia 
nearly fifty per cent ; in North Carolina and Flor- 
ida, forty per cent; Virginia, forty and a thiid 
per cent; in Texas and Arkansas, thirty-three 
and a third per cent. These statistics are given 
that it may be seen in those sections of the South 
wherein the negro is most populous, is imposed 
u])on the whites the almost incalculable burden 
of educating the children of a propertyless race 
of people who pay no taxes. 

Commissioner Harris shows that in these States 
seventy-five to eighty million dollars have l)een 
expended in th(^ education of the colored chihhen 
since ls7f> to the school year of 1S!);ms!»4. It 
is estimated upon the same basis for the years of 
isi>4-lsi>.-,. ls!»,vis!u;, ISIHJ-lsit: twenty niil- 
bons more will be added since ls7<l. making one 
liinniicd million dollai's that has hccn si»('n1 in 
negro eijiicat ion. Taking 1 he census I'eports ol' 



EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 67 

school age in 1S!)4 as a basis of the 2,7l^:').72(» ne- 
gro children of school age in the sixteen South- 
ern States, l,}M>o,600 live in the States of Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, 
Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, about three- 
fourths of the total, making these eight States, 
of the one hundred million dollars pay seventy- 
five million dollars. Texas and Arkansas have 
done their part too. In these States there are, 
in Texas, :U!3,50() negro children of school age — 
Arkansas, 12-i,500, at the same ratio. Texas has 
paid about eight millions, Arkansas about four 
millions in the v^^ork of educating this race, 
while the six other former slave States (Missouri, 
Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Tennessee and 
West Virginia) have paid only thirteen million 
dollars. These figures are not accurate, but are 
approximately correct. Who, then, will say that 
the matter of educating this race should be left 
alone to the Southern people. 

The proclamation of President Lincoln, si)eak- 
ing for the people of this Union, made the slaves 
free. By amendment to our Constitution he was 
made a citizen of the United States and the State 
wherein he resides, with all the rights, privileges 
and protection under the law enjoyed by othei- 
citizens — indeed, made equal before the law with 
all men. We insist that in the beginning the 
public burden of educating this race should have 
been shared among the whole people of this 



»5S THE RACE PROBLEM. 

Union. Certainly, since we have, unaided, for 
a whole generation sustained the burden of edu- 
cating this race. We of the South believe we 
have discharged our duty, and that now and 
from this time onward the whole people of the 
United States should be taxed for the education 
of the negro children. The people of the South 
never for one moment would ask to be relieved 
and discharged from their proportionate share of 
this burden, but do ask in equity and justice that 
the people of other sections contribute by taxa- 
tion their share of this obligation. We believe 
that when the well-meaning and thoughtful 
make an equitable and just examination of the 
situation, they can reacli but one conclusion, and 
that is, that this race made free by the people of 
the United States, should be the wards of this 
nation. That the South, having for a generation 
faithfully fuinish<^d the revenues for the educa- 
tion of this })ropertyless race, the time has now 
come when the task of lifting from tliem the pall 
of ignorance should be the work and care of the 
whole nation; that every citizen of the United 
States, every foot of soil and every dollar should 
bear its just proportion of tliis burden. 

No <»)it' Would (liiiik for a monieiil that the 
jtlan vvonld work \v«'ll for tin' gent^-al (iovcrn- 
meiit U) make an appro]»riation of the money to 
l)e expended in n<'gro education living among the 
whites, there would lie jaiiiui:' friction and 



EDUCATION OK THK NEGRO. {\U 

troubles innumerable, bad enough soon to destroy 
any movement like this made for the sole l^enefit 
of a race living at tlie same time upon the same 
soil with another race of people. Then how 
should it be done, alid what is the plan? Colo- 
nize the negro ; place these people to themselves, 
and then you have at once solved the difficulty. 
The general Govei-ument then could make an ap- 
pi'opriation of money to be used in the education 
of this race of people, limited only to the States 
and territory wherein they are colonized; then 
have the State wherein they are now thickly set- 
tled, so amend their Constitution as to give to 
the children of the negro race only the school 
fund gathered from the taxes levied upon the 
property owned by this race, the effect would at 
once be felt. From such States, after the Con- 
stitutions have been amended as suggested, for 
want of means to educate their children, foi' let 
it be said the negro Ukes to go to school. The enn' - 
gration movement would at once take possession 
of them, and ere long the purpose intended would 
be accomplished, this people would gather them- 
selves together in their own dominion, where 
they could receive the benefit of the appropria- 
tion for the education of their children, and other 
purposes which the peo|)le of the United States, 
through their Congress, would, we beheve, most 
generously and liberally give. The sum of this 
appropriation cannot be accurately given, by es- 



»<• THK RACE PROBLEM. 

tiinatioii wu believe between six and eight mil- 
lion dollars are expended annually in the former 
slave States in educating the children of this 
rare. What part of this sum added to the sum 
of the taxes gathered from these negro colonized 
States cannot be fairly estimated. The author 
is not wedded to any plan of his own for obtain- 
ing the money necessary to aid these people col- 
onized, in their education; if by direct tax the 
result would be better, then let us have that 
w^hich is best. We believe, however, aid through 
Congress would be by far the better plan. The 
main object aimed at, is the equalization of this 
burden among all the people of the Union. We 
l)elieve that all people will admit the justice of 
the claim of the South, that the expense of edu- 
cating this race should be borne by all the people 
of the United States alike. It was the act of the 
Union, the work of the nation in liberating the 
slave; the South was not only deprived of his 
]>roperty value, but for a genoation have alone 
boiiie the burden of his public education. We 
insist, in th<' l)eginning, that the education of 
this race should have been the work of the na- 
tion. If it be true that this claim was then just, 
bow iiuicli iiKuc must it be now. 

There are many good people tluoughout the 
North who thought this denumd a reasonable 
one. and proved tbeii' failfi in Ibe laige and geii- 
erons donalions uixfn in maiiv sectioir^^ t'oi' the 



EDUCATION OF THE NEGKO. 71 

establishment of many institutions for their edu- 
cation. 

Inspired by the generous action of the South, 
aforementioned in this chapter, the splendid 
efforts made in the face of grave difficulties, the 
self-imposed burden in the midst of their great 
poverty, incident to the war resulting in the lib- 
eration of the slaves, we believe that the well- 
meaning men of the Northeast and West would 
respond in their hearts and minds, "Yes, tliat it 
is only just, fair and equitable that this property- 
less class of people who, as slaves, were liberated 
by this nation without compensation to his 
owner, the burden of whose education, for a 
generation has been borne by the Southern peo- 
ple alone, should now become the task and bur- 
den of the whole people of this Union." The 
South asks no relief from its share of this bur- 
den. It could not if it so disposed. All it wishes 
is that the people of the whole country share it 
with them, which could only be done by separa- 
ting the two races and by legal enactment of Con- 
gress, providing some means and raising the rev- 
enue necessary for this great and laudable pur- 
pose, 



• -2 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

CHAPTER VII. 

DOES EDUCATION KDlJCATE V 

The value of the answer to this query depends 
largely upon wlio makes the answer. Of course 
there are many who will quickly say, '* X"^, that 
the education of this race is a worthless expendi- 
ture of money. They are incapable of receiving 
or gritsping learning of any considerable value." 
Then there are many more who will answer the 
query in the negative, in violation, we fear, of 
judgment, in order to satisfy the feeling of prej- 
udice against the education of the negro, espe- 
cially when he contributes little or nothing of 
the pay for the same. 

To answer the (jucry trutlifiilly is not an easy 
task, for the answer certainly cannot be based 
upon sufficient ex})erience. Therefore, it must be 
in part speculative. We believe the thoughtful, 
disposed to honestly and fairly answc;- the ([ues- 
tion after careful and diligent invcstigalion. will 
answer the query in the affiiniativc. 

A generation of experience in the school room 
is not suflicit'iit t<» jiuigc oi" t lie intellectual cai)aci- 
ti«'S of any pcojjlt' just emci-gcd from a condition 
of slavish ignorance; but there is underlying this 
suV)ject, necessary to reach a correct conclusion, 
an cx|M'ii('ncc wliicli ca:i never he liiiiiisheil so 



DOES EDUCATION EDUCATE ? 73 

long as the two races continue to occupy the 
same territory. 

It is proposed here to divide the discussion into 
two parts: 

First, the education of the negro among the 
whites under present conditions throughout the 
South. 

Second, the separate education of this race 
colonized after the plan proposed in this work. 

Something has already been said of the want 
of an inspiring cause in a preceding chapter, yet 
in the absence of inspiration, ambition chilled 
lor want of place and field to display or utilize 
their attainments, we find the children of this race 
energetic in study, keeping well apace with the 
children of the white race, at least until a certain 
point is reached, which is usually after the ac- 
quirement of a limited knowledge of the three 
"■ R's, " reading, riting and rithmetic. " This is 
the experience and observation of the white Su- 
perintendents of the public schools in the differ- 
ent counties having in charge the schools of both 
races. It is the common observation not alone 
of superintendents, but of us all. We might be 
permitted to pause here and state, a strong factor 
in negro education at the public expense is the 
disposition of the parents of this race to compel 
their children to attend school, making any sac- 
rifice to this end. We cannot say as much for 
the whites; it is too often the case that white 

6 



74 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

children are permitted to follow the inclinations 
of their own mind, w^hich is* naturally frolic and 
play ; or for the convenience of parents, are kept 
at work, when they should be in the school- 
room, all of which furnishes a strong argument 
favoring compulsory education. 

After the requirement of the three " R's" has 
])c'en attained, then a perceptible stop is seen, 
while the white children seem to push forward 
with greater ease and less exertion, proportion- 
ate to the growth of mind, than in the begin- 
ning. It is insisted by many that this is because 
the mind of the negro child has reached the limit 
of its capacity, while we will endeavor to show 
in the second division of this chapter, that sepa- 
rate education, after the plan of colonization, 
will bring out the latent energies of this people, 
revive in them their ancient glory, dormant dur- 
ing the intervening ages. Still we insist that 
their education, living among the whites, is by 
no means a failure, whether the evidence and 
experience of a generation warrants us in saying 
what the moral effect of educating the children 
of this race, or not, this we do know, that the 
higher institutions of learning for the education 
of the negro in tlie Soutli are turning out you)ig 
men and women by the hundreds, well e(jni]>)>('(l 
in mental training for tlie })Ositions in all tiie 
walks of life. One only need attend the Coni- 
iiK-ncciiii'nl cxci'cisc/. of" St. .\nirustine Colloiro 



DOES EDUCATION EDUCATE ? 75 

and Shaw University at Raleigh, North CaroHna: 
Claflin University, Sonth CaroHna, and other 
colleges in Mississippi, the various higlier insti- 
tutions of learning in Georgia and other parts of 
the South, to he convinced that the capacity for 
the mental training of tliis race is far greater 
than many are disposed to admit. The minds 
of the skeptical, if they could be present at these 
Commencement exercises, would be put at rest. 
Their apprehensions and fears, that the negro 
must be a failure because of inability to learn 
and their capacity of intellectual development, 
will no longer be entertained, at least will not 
h ive tne same ground work for the basis of such 
foars and apprehensions. 

Now we reach the discussion of separate edu- 
cation, after the plan of colonization. 

We would call a man foolish who would in- 
vest his fortune and time in anything which 
could be after completed, of no value to him. 
We would call a man a fool who would work the 
best years of his life in acquiring a knowledge of 
a thing which could be of no pleasure and cer- 
tainly of no value, for want of an opportunity to 
utilize the same. This reasoning will apply to 
the folly of this race, spending their best days 
and money in acquiring an edu^.ation which can 
be absolutely of uo practical value to them. We 
do not mean to say there are no exceptions, and 
that education is never useful to the negro, for 



7(; THK KACE I'KOBLEM. 

certainly a few of them are needed as ])reachers 
and teachers of this race while living along with 
the whites in the same territory. We are not 
speaking of exceptions. We here mean to speak 
of the wiiole race. What need is there of edu- 
cation for the negro under present conditions, 
further than a limited knowledge of reading, 
writing, and knowing how to make figures. 
There is no place for them, and they well know 
it, in the realms of learning along side of his 
white friends. In tlie mystic field of scientific 
exploration, he knows that he is not wanted, 
whatever may be his attainments, because of tlie 
color of his skin. He knows no good can come 
out of his centering his covetous eye on any of 
the positions occupied by the great men of this 
country, just so long, as in such position, he 
would be the representative of both races. 0? 
what value would the knowledge of the law be 
to him, when he knows the fondest hopes of his 
ambition can never be realized in a seat upon 
the bench of even our inferior Courts. 

The i)hysician of this race knows that while 
it is })()ssibl(i for him to become a member of the 
Medical Board of the State wherein he Hves. y>.^t 
the dispositi(jn to friM'ze him out will cripple his 
usefuUness and tend to bring him in <lisrei»ute 
even among the people of his own color. 

Suppose in somc^ State of this Union W(> select 
two locations, e(|ii;illy favoreil in ;i(lv;mtages. 



DOES EDUCATION EDUCATE? 77 

with sc3ueiy sublim3 and beautiful, the cUmate 
salubrious, in short, equally possessed of all the 
heart and eye can desire for mental and moral 
training, and here plant two colleges for the edu- 
cation and training or young men, equip each of 
these institutions with a President and Faculty 
of equal merit and ability, and in each make the 
standard of education the same. At each of these 
institutions of learning educate annually one hun- 
dred young men. To the students of one close all 
the avenues of greatness, put place and honor, 
fame and distinction beyond their reach ; to the 
other give them license for entry in the competi- 
tive race among men for all positions of honor, 
fame and greatness, both at home and abroad, 
as President of this great Republic, as represen- 
tative of the Court of St. James, as Chief Justice 
of the United States, the greatest legal tribunal 
on earth, a seat in the United States Senate, 
Governors, and all that the ambition of men 
would hope to attain, would it be difficult to tell 
in which of these institutions of learning the 
students would make the most progress. Those 
denied all tbe superior advantages given the lat- 
ter would have the ambition of their souls chilled 
to the very marrow, college life would be tedious 
to them, while the latter in the consolation of 
hope and expectancy, with redoubled energy ? 
would push forward to the goal of success. 
Forcibly illustrating this idea, we will give a 



7S THE RACE PROBLEM. 

little incident, which came nnder our observa- 
tion. In the fall of ISHO, during the Presidential 
campaign, we were driving in a private convey- 
ance to an appointment where we were booked 
to speak. The driver, a young man and a good 
specimen of his race, both })hysically, mentally 
and morally, we had known for years to be a 
first-class skillful horseman. It would be difii- 
cult to find one who could better manage and 
control a team of horses — all the years of his hfe 
lie had spent in this business, with no inconsid- 
erable experience u])on the turf. I said to him, 
calling him by name, " I have confidence in your 
ability and skill to manage horses. I expect there 
is not nmch you do not know about this animrd. 
" Yes," he said, in no spirit of vanity. " I know 
something of horse flesh. There is every rea- 
son why I should; from my earliest boyhood I 
have done nothing else. I like the turf, and am 
hjippiest when driving a horse of speed." But, 
said he, *' It will never be worth to me moi-c 
than the pay of an ordinary laborer, because I 
am a negro ; the color of my skin makes the train- 
ing of a life-time woi-tli oidy the i)ay of an ordi- 
nary laboi'cM- }>esid(' the wliite man ol e(jual al)il- 
ity, who will for iiis sei'vices command his own 
])rice. "' 

NV(*11 do we know tlie truth of wliat this negro 
tuiTiiian said. This illustration will illusti'ate all 
along the line. No hope of rcMliziiig their am- 



DOES EDUCATION EDUCATE? 79 

bition, is it any wonder they stop progress in 
schools and elsewhere, after learning only a suffi- 
ciency to serve their purpose in the ordinary 
affairs of a laboring man. 

Colonize this race of people, give them States 
of their own, give them State government. In 
short, give them all the attendant rights and 
privileges belonging to and enjoyed by other peo- 
ple of other States. Then we show you another 
view of the picture. Let the children in the 
school-room see open a gate-way leading into the 
fields of competition, wherein merit and ability 
has for its reward, success. Opening up to them 
the possibilities of greatness in the particular 
sphere of their choice, letting the ambitious eye 
of him, who likes the law, see in the distance a 
Judgeship. Of him who likes to govern, a Gul>- 
ernatorial chair. And to those whose tastes run 
in the direction of Statesmanship, a place in the 
United States Senate or a seat in Congress. Open 
the gateway, let these people into the fields of 
honest competition and rivalry. Assure them of 
the certain realization of the hope of their ambi- 
tion, whether it be in the way of property get- 
ting, as teachers, filling the minor offices or 
achieving distinction in occupying the highest 
position in the gift of their people, then you open 
up the beginning of a new era. 

With renewed hope they apply their enei'gies 
in a field of attainments heretofore almost un- 



80 THK raw: IMiOBLKM. 

known to them. What a chtference it nnist make 
in the efforts of a man, no matter to what race 
he helongs, ambitious to achieve distinction, who 
knows that there is no barrier betw^een him and 
success save that of honest competition. How 
bhghting it must be to the hopes of him who 
knows that wJuitever may be his natural gifts, 
how^ever great may be his accomi)]ishments. he 
is handicapped on account of his color, and ex- 
cluded from participating in the pleasures and 
enjoyment of those honors, which, under differ- 
ent conditions, is the lot of men of learning and 
ability. 

Colonize these people under favorable condi- 
tions upon some spot where climatic and geo- 
graphical conditions is in keeping with the phys- 
ical requirements of this race, then let the gen- 
eral Government take auspicious care of them, 
having a supervising, parental control, with an 
eye single to their best welfare and success. 
Then our answer to the query, " Does education 
educate?" is with nuicli em])hasis. '' Yes.'" 

Tt is hoped the idea contained in this cha])ter 
will find lodgment in the minds of tliose, who in 
the past have contributed nuich in the effoit to 
educate the child i'< 'II of this race, and whose hope 
foi' their success in tlie future will causr lliciii to 
make a careful and faitlifnl examination ol this 
subject, believing that Mic conclusion icaclicd 
will !)(' the oid\" siicccssl'ul wav of cdiicat iiiu.' tin- 



DOES EDICATIOX EDUCATE? 81 

negro race, is to place them where, when edu- 
cated, the same field of honor and em])loyment 
are open to them, as to the meritorious and suc- 
cessful of other races. This done under the watch- 
ful and solicitous eye of the Government, then 
education will educate; otherwise, for genera- 
tions yet to come, there will be much ground for 
criticism among those not predisposed in favor 
of negro education. 



82 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

THE POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF COLONIZATION. 

We come now to discuss colonization in its re- 
sulting effects upon the politics of the South. 

The 13th and 14th Amendment to the Consti- 
tution of the United States clothed the negro 
with all the rights of citizenship, and with un- 
restricted and unqualified right of ballot. We 
will refrain from a discussion of the moral right 
or wrong of this act on the part of the people of 
this Union, for the purposes of this work we are 
not called upon to engage in the discussion of 
that question. 

The ignorant negro was well educated by the 
Republican party in the knowledge of the fact 
that his freedom and his right of citizenship was 
its gift ; and that in return for it he owed ever- 
lasting fealty to this i)arty. No teachers were 
ever more successful. First, they taught in part 
the truth, but they seem to have been successful 
also in teaching that it was the duty of the ne- 
gro to be everlasting in his fealty. We of the 
South have long since learned that K])hi"iim is 
joined to his idol, and we will let him alone. In 
latter years the more thoughtful have i-eached 
this conclusion, that it is best he slioiild continue 
joined lo his idol, tji.il llie political disintegra- 
tion ol the negro as a |»aity is not to be desii't'd. 



CONSEQUENCES OF COLONIZATION. S;} 

First, for that so long as he solidly remains a 
part of the Rejiublican })arty, and our campaigns 
are conducted on the color line, it solidifies and 
unites the white people. 

Second, he has learned that the Caucasian will 
always govern, there is no political preferment 
for him into whatever party he may go. This, 
of course, would always make him a floating and 
purchasable vote, which is not desired in any 
country. Then, too, he is almost sure, with few 
exceptions, to unite himself with the less com- 
petent to govern, for the reason, we suppose, 
there lurks in his innermost soul a desire to even 
up, by inflicting the punishment of bad officials 
upon the white people who he knows will never 
permit him to occupy any position of honor or 
trust or take any part in Government. He also 
knows that he can stand incompetent and bad 
officials with far less injurious efi'ect than can 
his white friends w^ho own the bulk of the prop- 
erty. He is sure always with his vote to jeopar- 
dize the progress and prosperity of the section 
wherein he lives. 

It is not our purpose to say (moreover, we dis- 
avow such intention), that there are no good Re- 
publicans in the South, or that any of these are 
ever elevated to official positions. We mean only 
to speak of existing political conditions, which 
tend to make the solid South ; and while tempo- 
rarily the line may be broken, the same condi- 



84 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

tions will cause each State teini)oranly a loss, to 
swing back in line. Again, there is much feeling 
manifested between the two races in political 
times, even to unwillingness among the masses, 
to have the negro vote the Democratic ticket. 
The poorer class of white people do not want the 
negro to vote with them. Of course this feeling, 
the causes whi(^h tend to divide the Avhites from 
the blacks in politics in the South might be en- 
larged upon. There is much more that could be 
said of the past history of the neg:io in politics 
in the South since the late war. We might re- 
view some of the consequences of his pohtical 
acts, in putting upon us in the early days of and 
following reconstruction times, bad and wicked 
men, whose acts and misdeeds ])r()ught us to des- 
perate straights, oftinu^s to humiliation, shame, 
and almost to the very verge of dishonor. But 
we will refrain from further reference: it is not 
our purpose to offend any ; rather it is our inten- 
tion, in these pages of this book, to offer facts 
proving a condition in su})})ort of our argument 
for the colonization of this race of people. 

All of us know the past and })i'(^sent ett'ect of 
these conditions upon our peo]»le and section at 
Wash iiiL;i oil. ( )iii- t rrat mciit at the hands (if any 
administration is substantially th^'samc. While 
for the past years, the Soiitli has hfcn solidly 
Democratic, still the gi-cat I )(ino(iali<- |»ait\ of 
the Cnitcd States has rc^garded it solid as a mat- 



COXSEC^UENCES OF COLOXlZATlON. 85 

ter of necossity, Id order to protect its people 
from negro domination and misrule. This true, 
we have not received the consideration at the 
hands of this party which is our due. Likewise 
a Republican administration is not considerate of 
the claims and demands or the South, for that it 
argues, with truth, that the South is a Demo- 
cratic stronghold. We get nothing in the Elec- 
toral College from this section. We therefore 
have something to gain by bestowing the honor- 
ary patronage of this Government, like ambas- 
sadorships, consulships and other honorary places 
upon men of other sections. This is owing to the 
presence of the negro. The South, great as it is 
in resources, where the munificent hand of na- 
ture has been lavish in her gifts, the climate sa- 
lubrious — in short, possessed in a large degree of 
all that goes to make up one of the rarest, richest 
and most magnificent sections on the globe, 
populated by a people in intellect, the equal of 
any, the home in other days of some of the bright- 
est and most conspicuous lights which adorn the 
pages of our nation's history, is ignored. 

It is true either administration may throw out 
a few crumbs to appease the anger it party lead- 
ers in this section, but in the matter of substan- 
tial recognition, we have no place, no honors, no 
gifts, while the hope of a President or Vice-Pres- 
ident from this section is only a dream. Politi- 
cally and otherwise, as we have seen in the pre- 



si; the race problem. 

ceediug chapters, this race forms the boue of 
contentiou, the point of divergence between the 
sections, north and south of Mason's and Dixon's 
hne. 

To insist that the people of either of tliese sec- 
tions desire to keep up this bitterness of feehng 
and sectional antagonism is folly. It may be 
that for political purposes, orators wave the 
bloody shirt, appeal to the passions of their au- 
dience in order to insure party success, wiiilf the 
thoughtful and true of both sections would wel- 
come the obliteration of every vestige of sectional 
feeling as one of the richest and rarest gifts from 
heaven's storehouse; but alas, so long as they 
remain a part of and mixed with th(^ population 
of the South, we fear they will continue uninttn- 
tionally the cause for outbursts of feeling and 
bitter contention between the two sections. Col- 
onize the negro and this cause of difference will 
be forever removed. Strife between the two sec- 
tions will end. 

The two great parties will divide up tlie white 
]) 'Ople of the South; the great issues of differ- 
ence between the parties will have as many suj)- 
})orters on the one side as upon the other. Our 
losal State government will he satisfactory to the 
pf'oplc with cither ])arty in powiM'. No longer 
will a solid Demo.-ratic representation go to 
Washington from tli*' difn^rent States. The ne- 
groes, foi- S(»in ' lime to come, of cour-^e, woild 



CONSEQUENCES OF COLONIZATION. ST 

send representatives of only one party. Soon 
they would find the necessity of two parties. The 
South would then take her proper place in the 
sisterhood of States, while the different adminis- 
trations will accord to her all that is due. 

The fact that a solid vote is given in Congress 
for or against any measure by a particular sec- 
tion, furnishes safticient cause for the united ac- 
tion of representatives hailing from other sec- 
tions. It is always better for the different sec- 
tions of this country if the representatives for 
each section should divide their vote, and espe- 
cially would this be true of the South. We have 
seen that a combination of circumstances, chief 
among them is the negro, has united our people 
in the South, sending almost a solid representa- 
tion to Congress of one party, which, as a rule, 
casts a solid vote. 

Under colonization this would stop, the solid 
South would be broken, the representatives in 
Congress would be made up of the two domi- 
nant parties, whose vote would be divided ac- 
cording to the necessities of the occasion and as 
local interests demand. The negro will l)ecome 
a student of political economy in his new home. 
In politics he will support the party whose policy 
best suits the material developments of the sec- 
tion and the progress of his people. A new era 
of prosperity would set in throughout the South ; 
no matter what party at the helm, the ship of 



88 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

State \V(tul(l he steered into that haven wherein 
the material development and prosperity of the 
State is best preserved, the happiness and pro- 
gress of the whole people insured. Offices would 
no longer be used as a means of punishing the 
oppisition. 

In conclusion, the i)olitical consequences and 
effects alone offer a sufficient argument for the 
colonization of this race of people in a place 
where they will still be and remain citizens of 
the United States, entitled to all the rights and 
privileges as such; the general Goverament 
meanwhile having a great care for their well- 
hcing. happiness and success. 



COLONIZATION, RESULT TO SOUTH. 89 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE RESULT OF COLONIZATION TO THE SOUTH AS 
A PART OF THE UNIOI.^ 

Ill the truest, fullest and broadest sense the 
South is in name only a part of the Union. There 
is a cause for this ; many, too many, answering 
this question without due deliberation, w^ould 
say, the war of the Rebellion. The pages of his- 
tory bear record in ancient or modern times of 
no struggle between men in arms which will 
compare with that between the boys who wore 
the blue and the boys who wore the grey. 

For fear that some one reading this chapter 
may misunderstand us, we wish to preface what 
follows by saying, we are at heart, if we fully 
understand ourself, truly loyal to this govern- 
ment. We cannot discuss the late war without 
a sigh intermixed with joy and sorrow; we are 
truly glad that the slave was made free, glad 
that our posterity will not^have for their inheri- 
tance fortunes made in the traffic of human 
lives, with all the attendant evils common to 
slavish conditions. We are glad that this Union 
was preserved unbroken, and we of the South 
and North have one government, one common 
country, free to all men. We regret the neces- 
sity of the struggle which .resulted in the defeat 



90 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

of tlie bt)y.s who wore the grey, whose heroic- 
struggle amidst great privations has never been 
equaled in the world's history. We are glad, that 
although defeated, we went dowm with our face 
to the enemy, winning the respect of our foes 
and all people, without a blot upon the fair fame 
and honor of our glorious Southland. We are 
glad that on both sides the war was the occasion 
of bringing to the \vorkrs view the military ge- 
nius, eclipsing in greatness and s])leii(l<)r those 
who upon the field of battle won fame in any 
age. 

It is pleasant to contemplate, that after four 
years of conflict, nniid want and suffering, in 
times which tried men's souls, not only did the 
men who wore the gray lay dow^n their arms with 
respect to the boys in blue, but their heroic efforts, 
their almost inhuman struggle against terrible 
odds and superior lumibcrs. amid hardshijjs and 
trials, w^on for them as w«.'ll the great admira- 
tion of their generous foes. 

A1 the snri-ender at Appomattox, the two great 
armies jjarted with good will for each other, but 
in eontem))lation of the hardships of camj) life 
and Itloody l)attle fields, ripened into real friend- 
slii|». wliicli has heen inanifestly and nmnistaka- 
l)ly shown whenever an occasion has present(>d. 
since those lioublesoine times. Those who took 
|tait in Ihat nicnioial)le st I'uggle sinci-rcly liojie 
I'oi a rciiniiiii nol onK in name hnl in lad ; 1 hose 



COLONIZATION, RESULT TO SOUTH. U\ 

who would keep afresh the wound and flaunt the 
bloody shirt for the war's sake, were those who 
knew nothing of the hardships of this great 
struggle, who either fought in the great battles 
by substitute, or like Job's war horses, sniffed 
the smoke of battle from afar. Such knew not 
the smell of gun-powder, the roar of the cannon 
or the crying whiz of the deadly minie-ball. 
Those who answer the causes which make the 
South a part of this Union only in name, the 
war of the rebellion, are only mistaken. We 
must look for another cause. 

The fact must not be overlooked, that inter- 
ested in the great results of the war, there were 
far more than those who fought on the field of 
battle. The negro was freed, the institution of 
slavery abolished, while but few contributed to 
aid him in his struggle for existence amid the 
new conditions which surrounded him. he be- 
came the pet of the many who watched over him 
with jealous care, and pounced hawk-like upon 
the people of the South for every thing a jealous 
mind faacied a wrong done this race, without 
understanding the causss or the reasons which 
proaipted such action. While the soldiers in 
blue, and many others who felt like them, wish 
these animosities forever buried in a common 
grave, yet the editors of newspapers and many 
others, v/ithout regard to the consequences of 
their action, have kept the chasm of separation 



92 THK RACE PROBLEM. 

apait, witli a teiuluucy to deei)cu and widen. 
The peoi)le of the South, in possession of the frail- 
ties common to all men. were naturally incensed. 
Our soldiers had laid down their arms and re- 
turned to their broken lionies sincerely desirous 
of peace and the hope to be let alone in the re- 
building of their lost fortunes, the whole South, 
with broken hearts over the "lost cause, '' bowed 
in honorable submission to the will of the ma- 
jority and wished complete restoration to the 
Union. We insisted, yea more, we pleaded to the 
North and Northern press to be let alone ; that 
our actions were not understood; judgment 
reached u])on tlie evidence contained in news- 
pai)ers, who wished cheap notoriety, was errone- 
ous. All, we are sorry to say, was of no avail. 

In the halls of Congress, upon the floors of the 
Senate, this warfare against the South for would- 
be outrages of the negro, was kept up. Inves- 
tigations were had, debates followed. Our Sen- 
ators and Representatives in Congress resenting 
the interference and defending our people from 
the slanderous charges, indulged in tlie use of 
bitter satire and severe language. They felt 
keenly the injustice of the interference and the 
effects of t])(^ outrageous slander. Of course w« 
kn(»w, and so did our Senntors and Re])r(^senta- 
tivcs in Congress, tliat lawlessness and riotous 
oiil bleaks would occasionally bappfii. just as 
i1h'\(Io in ibc North and Kasl. sometimes llie 



COLONIZATION, RESULT TO SOUTH. !»;'> 

court of Judge Lynch called into use and a negro 
hanged, just as was recently done in Ohio, and 
occasionally done in other Northern and North- 
western States; but we thought, and so did our 
Senators and Repi'esentatives, that it was inquis- 
itorial interference for the National Congress to 
take upon ii^Sc'lf the task of righting these 
troubles, of which the State Courts had jurisdic- 
tion. 

These unpleasant controversies tended to de^ 
fame our fair country in the eyes of the world, 
the influence and usefulness of our Senators and 
Representatives in Congress were lessened. The 
willing and receptive mind of countless thousands 
of the North heard and believed. These circum- 
stances, with the necessity of united action in 
the South to protect ourselves from negro domi- 
nation and misrule, made what is commonly 
called ;i solid South in politics, and as these agen- 
cies began to lessen, the mind of the North be- 
coming more at ease and less disposed to excite- 
ment, for want of belief of the inflamatory press 
publications, men like Senator Hoar. Lodge and 
others, for the double purpose of political advan- 
tage and humiliating the South, pressed upon us 
their inglorious force bill. Such a measure could 
only have emanated from the minds not kindly 
disposed to the section aimed at, wanting in 
statesmanship, in patriotism, and all else but 
hatred for the section intended to humiliate. 



<H THK RACK PK'Ojn.KM. 

This latter, liad it heen successful, would have 
heeu luore teirihlc in its consequences to tlie 
South than all else since the war. That the South 
has heen kept under a band unwillingly on its 
part and denied its true place in the Union and 
sisterhood of States, will not be denied by the 
dispassionate and thoughtful. That the negro 
has f .irnished, with no pur})ose on his part, the 
causes of all our troubles, all in search of the 
truth will admit: that he will continue to be 
the red flag of antagonism between the two sec- 
tions so long as he remains a part of the popula- 
tion of the South, living among the whites, no 
one will doiibl. 

Thii'ty-two years have passed since Lee's sur- 
render at Appomattox, and yet it seems we are 
no nearer a true solution of the causes of all our 
troubles than when we began. 

The volcano may for a time cease its eruption, 
men may become indiffiM-ent to the slumlu'iiiig 
danger so near, still the iiilci-iial fires buni on. 
and at a time when least expected, will belch 
forth its destructive lava, destroying all before 
it. As the only safety fi-oni sucb danger is to 
icniovc tbe cause oi- iciuovc fioin tlie cause, the 
(iiilv priiiiaiicnt jicacc wliicb can come to the 
Soiitli and make licr in the broadest, truest and 
fuhcst sense a part of the Union, is to remove 
Uie exciting canse ol' IroiiMc Hie negro, by 
colonizing 1 liis i;ice. piit 1 iiig t lieni to 1 lienisehcs, 



COLONIZATION, RESULT TO SOUTH. 95 

separate and apart truni the white people. Then, 
and not until then, will the South, as a part of 
this nation, receive her due, our Senators and 
Representatives in Congress be clothed with all 
the power and influence incident to their great 
offices ; then, and not until then will the South, 
as a part of this Union, take her place in the 
eyes of the world. This done, no longer would 
there exist a solid South ; the white people would 
divide up and stand on the opposite shores of the 
great sea of politics. No matter what party in 
power, our Senators and Eepresentatives would 
be such in the fullest and broadest use of the 
term, their influence would be second to none if 
merit and ability deserved it; our Southland 
would receive that recognition at the hands of 
the administration which is her proper due, and 
the same as that accorded other sections of equal 
power, extent and wealth of resources. 

The tide of emigration would set in southward, 
with an influx of capital seeking investment, 
with assurance to its owner, with no danger of 
sudden outbreaks, the result of friction between 
the two races to destroy the same. A tidal wave 
of prosperity would set in, which would sweep 
over our entire Southland. On every side would 
be seen prosperity; our mountains and hills 
would yield up their store of rich minerals and 
gems to the miners, the products of our rich and 
fertile valleys would start the spindle and nee- 



96 THK RAC E PROBLEM. 

dies of the' factories. Our magnificent forests 
would be converted into farms, and the timber 
used to build homes for the settlers, the time 
would not be distant when the South, one of the 
garden spots of the earth, lich in resources of 
every kind, would be converted into one of the 
richest and most powerful sections of this coun- 
try. Is all of this desirable ? All men will an- 
swer ' ' Yes. ' ' The nation would answer ' ' Yes, ' ' 
for the strength of the nation is in proportion to 
the wealth and prosperity of its citizens. The 
people of the South would answer "Yes," for 
we wish to see the development of our country, 
and desire, as loyal citizens, to take our place in 
the Union of States. All of these things would 
as surely come with the removal and colonization 
of the negro as night follows day, w^hile great 
good would come to tJiis race. 



COLONIZATION, RESULT TO UNION. 0" 



CHAPTER X. 

THE RESULT OF COLONIZATION TO THE WHOLE 
UNION. 

"We, the people of the United States, in order 
to form a more perfect union, establish justice, 
insure domestic tranquillity, provide for a com- 
mon defense, promote the general welfare and 
secure the blessings of liberty, to ourselves and 
our posterity, do ordain and establish this Con- 
stitution." 

Our forefathers not only sought under the Con- 
stituton to establish a union for our common de- 
fense against a foreign foe, but a union of inter- 
ests for justice, for peace, for the general wel- 
fare, liberty, our common good and for the sake 
of our posterity. 

A careful study of this great instrument will 
show its framers thought that domestic local 
troubles of any section disturbed the peace and 
common good of the whole Union. It does not 
take a Constitutional lawyer to see that it was 
their purpose to protect and guard against local 
disturbances in our Union, for the benefit of each 
part of that Union, as well as for the whole. No 
man can read the Constitution and fail to see it 
is made the duty of our Senators and Represen- 
tatives in Congress, to direct their efforts for the 



SIS THE KACE PROBLEM. 

benefit of tlie whole Union, in devising a remedy 
foi- file adjustnieiit of all such matters as are 
l)eyond the legislative control of each State or 
section of the Union of States. 

We of to-day know that the strength of this 
nation depends npon the peace, good order and 
])rosperity of each section. Just as the paralysis 
of any one member of the human body affects 
the whole body, so does the disorder or derange- 
ment of any part of the Union affect the whole 
Union. The United States, as a whole, is largely 
interested in the race troubles in the South. No 
thoughtful man, careful of his words, will say 
that order, good will, peace and good feeling ob- 
tain between the races in the South. It may be 
that the well disi)Osed and wise heads of each 
race take no part in these disagreements, on the 
contrary, use their influence to avert such, still 
the facts remain beyond successful denial, that 
these disturbed conditions do exist. How many 
instances are almost daily occurring, the ])a])ers 
of each week contain accounts of several instan- 
ces where the courts of Judge Lynch liave either 
been successfully or attem])ted to he called intcj 
use because of race feeling. The blighting effect 
oC these differences greatly retards the growth 
and pr(»sjieiity of a large section of this country. 
Tli»' S(»nth is ?iot alone, but the material strength 
and |»rogi('ss of the whole nation is affected 
Ilii'i('l)\. It nia\' not he airi'eeaitle to 11ic(\irsof 



COLONIZATION, RESULT TO UNION. !M> 

many to know that the South is aot doing her 
duty by one-half in developing her resources, or 
in the way of wealth making, and thus contrib- 
uting her share to the greatness, power and 
wealth of the United States ; not because of any 
indisposition on the part of any of our people ; 
not because of any mental incapacity, but on ac- 
count of the presence of the negro race, not much 
more than fifty per cent of which are employed, 
with as many idle whites, made idle for reasons 
elaborately given in another chaj^ter of this 
work, which briefly repeated here is the presence 
of slavish customs which still obtain, making it 
degrading to work with the negro or do the work 
the negroes are usually employed to do. Every 
citizen of this Union is affected by the untoward 
conditions of the South. 

As yet we have seen no solution of the diffi- 
culty offered, a continuation of the troubles 
which disturb our social fabric, good order and 
law are certain to continue under existing con- 
ditions. Emigration and capital in any consid- 
erable amount will stay from our borders. The 
best of good will, feeling and brotherly love be- 
tween the inhabitants of the great Northern and 
Southern sections wn'U not be wdiat is desired. 
But we have a remedy. A remedy in w^hich all 
should feel an interest, because it concerns all. 

Let the people of the United States colonize 
the negro and at once a change will set in, so 



1<H) THI-: HACK PROPJ.KM. 

marked and so great thai a stranger visiting our 
Southern country now and returning again in a 
few years would hardly know it the same land 
or the people for the same people. 

Does history give us an incident of two nations 
moving together and living harmoniously ujion 
the same soil ? Would the Russians or a large 
part of their nation move over to England and 
live happily among the English people ? It is 
likely they would want to return to their native 
land. Naturally, then, it is not within the ])ale 
of reason to expect the white and black man to 
live in harmonious concord as one great family 
occupying and peopling the .^anie section. 

Every true statesman has at heart the welfare 
and common good of the wh<jle people. Every 
true patriot has in his heart love for the whole 
land of his nativity or nationality. A statesman 
whose mind is not broad and liberal enough for 
this, is not a statesman in the broadest and ful- 
lest use of the term. A patriot whose heart is 
not big enough to furnish love for his whole 
country, is not a patriot, about whom Sii- Waltoi" 
Scott would delight to write. 

(Mil- Seiiatoi's and Re])resentatives in Coiiuress 
like to be called statesmen without regard for 
their measurement. Our wise men not in office, 
who d() much to shape tiie destiny of affairs, 
wish to hi' kiinwii as statesmen, anil to l»e just, 
mean to he sucli. l^>i(tad statt'smanshi|i. |iatiiotic 



COLONIZATION, RESULT TO UNION. 101 

love, should inspire the great men of this coun- 
try to undertake the task deterniind to succeed, 
in solving the race problem in the South, for the 
sake of their love of country, but more for the 
sake of posterity. 

It may be that conditions in the South are at 
present tolerable, but who knows what the future 
has in store ? What man, inspired by the love 
of his people and the love of his country, is will- 
ing to bear with present conditions, to see a great 
country, inhabited by a great people, stagnant, 
blocked in the way of progress, peace and hap- 
piness; if the troubles can be removed, the diffi- 
culty solved, the condition of all made better ? 
Such is the problem of the South confronting the 
people of this nation. 

It is our duty as statesmen, patriots, citizens, 
as a great people to undertake the solution of 
this difficulty, for the sake of both races. This 
is a debt we, the people of the United States owe 
our own race in the South, a debt we owe to the 
poor negro, in no way responsible for his pres- 
ence here, and not to be charged overmuch ^\ith 
blame for the conditions existing in the South. 

The whites are better able to take care of them- 
selves. We in the South with white skins ask 
nothing in the solution of this difficulty, further 
than the assistance of the brain and thought of 
the people of this nation, in providing some plan 
by which a solution, forever settling our race 



1(»2 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

troubles can be reached, while tor the negro we 
ask the material and substantial aid. We of the 
South would not ruthlessly turn theni aside in 
some secluded spot to solve the problem of his 
own future fortune. We would not, for the sake 
of the memories of the i»ast. we would not for- 
get the happy days of yore, when as slave and 
servant he was true to the trust in him reposed, 
doing his best for the success of his master's 
affairs. 

Those of us born in the days of slavery, can 
never forget the watchful and almost parental 
care of Uncle Tom and Black Mammy. How 
lovingly and tenderly they watched our first 
efforts to walk, and with what satisfaction they 
hstened to the lisping prattle of baby tongues. 
We know the jealous ])ride they had in the chil- 
dren of theii' owners. We remember the pleas- 
ant hours spent in the cal)in listening to the mar- 
velous stories of Uncle Tom and Aunt Dinah 
about the childhood days of our fathers and 
mothers: with what evident i)leasure Uncle Tom 
would tell that Master in childhood was just the 
si)rightliest and most active boy in the neighbor- 
hood; that Mistress in ber girlhood was the like- 
liest gal ill Ibc coiiiil \ . W I' ile the younger gen ^ 
eraiioii nl tbis lace may not make the citizen we 
desiii'. iii.iy give us fioiii lime to time trouble, 
yet 111!' iii;iii <»r set of iiicii wlnt will cliMrge. llial 
Wf 1)1 llie Sdlllli would be l( t|-gel I'ul of llic |)as1. 



COLONIZATION, RESULT TO UNION. 1(»:5 

that the thoug-htful and influoutial of this section 
are unkindly disposed to this race, state that 
about which they know nothing, and which is 
false, in fact. 

You may doubt, ''that the sun moves, that 
the stars do shine, doubt the truth to be a liar," 
but never doubt the disposition and wish of the 
Southern people to have material and substantial 
justice measured out to the negro. In doing 
them substantial justice, we would have the 
whole people of this Union to join with us in 
making his future happy and prosperous. This 
we believe and insist can be done in colonizing 
the negro in some happily selected spot, suited in 
every way to his physical and mental develop- 
ment, letting the people of this nation the while, 
in every way, contribute substantial and mate- 
rial aid, especially caring for his mental and 
moral education, and aid him in the formation 
of his peoples' government in their new home. 

The whole Union is interested. The negro 
race is eight million five hundred thousand strong 
in this country, and just in })roportion as their 
lot is improved, they are made happier and bet- 
ter, the nation is made stronger. This is true of 
the white people of the South, as their condition 
is improved, the resources of this section devel- 
oped, the power and wealth of this Union in- 
creased. It would be criminal in a physician, 
knowing the disease and cure of a sick patient, 
not to apply the remedy ^d restore to health. 



lO-l THE RATE PROBLEM. 

One of the strongest members of the body of 
(•HI- Rejmbhc is languishing. We know tlie dis- 
ease, the cause; we have at hand the certain 
remedy and sure cure. To insist that anything 
less than colonization, the separation and remo- 
val of the two races from each other, is the pre- 
scrii)tion of quack doctors, w^ho, owl -like, look 
wise, and talk much, sell their medicines, draw 
their pa y, without understanding the disease of 
their patient. 

The proper treatment for disease is, first, to 
remove the cause and then the cure of the pa- 
tient. The end of troubles in the South between 
the races can only be permanently reached by a 
separation of the two people, and tlien the cure. 
The languishing member would then take in new 
blood, the development of our rich resources 
would set in, and soon the w^hole Body Union, 
affected by the disease of one of its strongest 
nu'mbers, will take on new color, new strength, 
power and influence. This whole Union is in- 
terested in the work, and the people of this Un- 
ion should further it until the results lio])ed for 
are accomi)lished. 



THE FUTURE WITHOUT COLONIZATION. 105 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE TALE OF THE FUTURE WITHOUT COLO- 
NIZATION. 

Ill the foregoing pages of this work w^e have 
seen something of the feeling between the races 
existing throughout the Southern States. We 
have seen how^ the whites of the South have 
done their duty in the matter of educating the 
negro race. We have seen that while he owns 
but little property and pa} s less tax, his children 
have an equal opportunity in the public schools. 
It is a fact, that in so far as it is possible for tlje 
human mind to divest itself of race feeling, he 
gets equal and substantial justice before the law. 

In all places where he comes in contact with 
the intelligence of the white race, he receives 
kind consideration and just treatment. In re- 
turn for all this, the younger generation of this 
people show nothing but evident ingratitude, no 
signs of appreciation, and acknowledge therefor 
no debt of obligation. 

The chasm separating the white and black 
man in the South, instead of closing up, as all 
good men would desire, is widening and deepen- 
ing with each coming year. The dishke and 
hatred the negro bears for the poorer classes of 
the whites increases. Wherever this i-ace is in 



106 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

the iiiajoiity, then the true inwardness of real 
feeling is seen, their manner is insolent and intol- 
erable. It is true the younger generation of this 
race seem to think their importance, where they 
are in the majority, is not felt or understood un- 
less he demonstrates in some forceful way his 
contempt for the poorer class of whites. No sane 
man would ever insist that the whites, under 
like conditions, would not be guilty in some de- 
gree of similar action. It is, however, a truth- 
ful fact, that the negro is largely resi)f)nsible for 
the conditions which exist throughout the South. 
Patience is ceasing to be a virtue, with a gener- 
ous peo])le. who for thirty odd years have done 
so much to better the condition of the freed man. 
to see in the generation which has come on since 
the abolition of slavery, so ungrateful, and show 
so little appreciation for the favors done. " Pa- 
tience ceases to be a virtue" with the whites of 
the South, who for thirty-odd yoais have heli)ed 
the negro in trouble, sheltered him in stress of 
weather, administered to his wants in sickness: 
in short, done what they could in every way to 
im})rove and better liim : to b.ave in return for it 
only a dispositi(tii 1<» humihalc his benefactors, 
to aid at the ballot box with his vote in placing 
in ])owei" to govern, not one of his own coloi-; 
for tliat would Im- impossiI>lc. I)iil in many in- 
stances those whose policy in every way tends to 
clieck the material growth and indspeiity of our 
Soiit lieiii count rv. 



THE FUTURE WITHOUT COLONIZATION. I(l7 

Common talk amoug young negroes of the 
concessions they have wrung from the white peo- 
ple, and in the coming day, when with superior 
numhers they will whij* the whites into submis- 
sion to their will, which is often overheard, tends 
to make Ihies hard for this people. 

It is not wisdom to blind ourselves to real con- 
ditions, better far it is to prepare for the storm 
and seek harbor before w^e are in the midst of its 
destroying fury. " In times of peace, let us pre- 
pare for war.'' It would be well for the wise 
men of our country, in this day and generation, 
to drop the scales from their blinded eyes and 
see the conditions existing between the two races 
in the South as they are, to draw aside the veil 
of futurity, look down the vista of time, and see 
the result of race feeling in the South. They 
know, if they are willing to see, hear and be con- 
vinced, that we are resting upon a burning vol- 
cano, which while at present gives no signs of 
eruption, is gathermg within the forces wiiich 
sooner or latei- will belch forth with all of its 
fearful consequences, ruinous in its effect of one 
of the best sections of country on the globe. In 
the meantime, our commerce and trade w^ill lan- 
guish, our agricultural interests gradually lessen 
until our farmers become their only consumers, 
our mineral and other resources undeveloped. 
In short, instead of becoming one of the greatest 
sections of this great Union, which might rea- 



108 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

souably be expected, on account of the salubri- 
ousness of the climate, the fertihty of the soil 
and the great magnitude of our undeveloped 
wealth and resources, we will drag along doing 
as we have done, ekeing out a most miserable 
existence. 

Do the signs of the times i)oint to good re- 
sults for the future in continued habitation, side 
by side with each other of the two races in the 
South ? For answer to the query, we point the 
reader to the preceding j)ages, wherein the au- 
thor has been careful to state truthfully the facts 
fairly and impartially as they concern each race. 
If we have been unjust we disavow any inten- 
tion of such. 

Do the signs of the times in continued habi- 
tation of Southern soil by the two races ])()int to 
bad results? Our answer is, ' ' Yes, to both races, 
just as certain as night follows day, just as sure 
as the crow of the cock oi- the song of the early 
bird are the signs of coming morn.'" Tdeii it is 
certain that race feeling is becoming more in- 
tensified and dangerous in its character as the 
years go by. "There are none so blind as those 
will) will not see, none so deaf as those wlio will 
not hear. '" Men of the South, men of the North, 
men of all ])arts of this glorious country, have 
voii eyes and see not? have you ears and hear 
not the truth ? Conditions of race feeling in 
the South as tbev are. will yon longer Ito hyp- 



TH-: PUTUKK WITHOUT COL -NIZAI ION. lO'J 

uotized into a state of happy ignorance, of the 
widening and deepening chasm separating the 
two races ? 

While the South has done her duty towards 
the freednian and his children, is willing still as 
a just people to continue to open the doors of our 
storehouse to the mental, moral and physical ne- 
cessities of this race, ungrateful as they are ; yet 
the time is coming when the hridge will no lon- 
ger bear its intolerable burden ; our people will 
tire of the practices of this race. 

It is natural, and even conmiendable in the 
negro to celebrate each returning anniversary of 
his freedom, permissible for him to take part in 
the Fourth of July celebrations, he is a citizen of 
this country, and has a right to celebrate her 
glorious past. Such action on his part is hopeful 
evidence of a proper appreciation of the great and 
glorious country of which he is a part, of the 
pride he takes in the future of his race, and all 
thoughtful men will commend him for it. But 
when this race of people so far oversteps the 
bounds of propriety as to celebrate the anniver- 
sary of Lee's surrender of the Army of the South, 
they are adding insult to injury, fuel to the burn- 
ing fire, race feeling, and shows unmistakable 
evidence of the growing dislike between the 
masses of these two races. We believe it will be 
a surprise to many to know this practice has been 
inaugurated, to what extent we are not as yet 



110 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

prepared to say. We do know that in Hender- 
son, North Carolina, and perhaps in other places 
in this year, 18J*T, it was done. This would not 
offend, hecause of the results of the war and 
freedom of the slaves, for the South would not 
have liim back in his previous condition of ser- 
vitude ; but the celebration and rejoicing at our 
defeat in the most manly and heroic contest be- 
tween brave soldiers the world has ever seen; 
celebrated, too, in oui- very midst, on Southern 
soil, and in the very presence of those who par- 
ticipated in that great struggle, is naturally cal- 
culated to offend. Thoughtful men of each race 
cannot control this feeling, or bridge over this 
chasm of se])aration, try as they may. The signs 
are increasing, and point as unmistakably to- 
ward trouble in the South, if existing conditions 
continue in those sections where this race has 
become powerful and great, by reason of its su- 
perior numbers, as the gray dawn of the morn- 
ing and the red light in the east are evident signs 
of the coming sun. 

While the white race in the South have done 
miicli for the Idacks, we at the same time owe 
something to <»ui"selves, and in due lime, when 
the season is ripe for it, they will resort to such 
measui'es as will certainly insure safety and se- 
curity t(» our posterity, though it beat great loss 
and sacrifice. Wise men <»f" this coiintiy. Chris- 
tian wdim-ii. w liosc intbicnce is iifcMl in h\ij^h 



THE FTTTURE WITHOUT COLONIZATION. 1 I 1 

places, be no loiij^er deluded, awaken to the truth, 
see the situation in its true light, and by com- 
mon action, with one united purpose now while 
we can, avert the awful consequences which 
await the people of the Scjuth, without regard to 
color or race. Let us do now while we can that 
which will insure peace and happiness to both 
races, wealth and prosperity to one of the most 
magnificent sections of our common country. 
The longer we postpone this work, the greater 
will be the undertaking. To neglect it would be 
criminal. Posterity in future years will cry out 
against us for our wilful failure in removing the 
cause which we well knew would bring upon our 
descendants troubles, the breadth and extent of 
w^hich we cannot measure. 

The pages of the future historian will be marred 
with strife between the races, riotous outbreaks, 
civil war, Southern soil again drenched in blood, 
not in a conflict of arms with other sections, but 
among and between the inhabitants of our own 
fair Southland. 



112 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

CHAPTEli XIl. 

THE TALE OF THE FUTURE WITH COLONIZATION. 

We do not believe the milleDium is at liand, or 
that the world is so Christianized, men have 
ceased to think or do evil. We do, however, be- 
long to tliat class who know that there is yet 
much good, much of the milk of human kind- 
ness in the hearts of men. When the great ma- 
jority have come to take an account of stock and 
examine the real feeling of their hearts, jeal- 
ousies and sectional strife will give place to bet- 
ter sentiments, good will and happiness for all 
mankind. We are confident that all people with- 
in the pale of this Union wish for the genei-al 
peace, happiness and })rosperity of every section 
thereof, in this belief we invite the attention 
of the people of the United States to a solution 
of the race problem in the South. 

Of the necessity of action in this direction, we 
will not speak in this chapter. The reader is re- 
ferred to the preceeding pages for facts and ar- 
gument to sustain this need. We propose herein, 
with a draft ui>()ii the imagination, to paint a ])ic- 
ture of tlir tiitiiic after colonization. It will not 
be so iiiucli the work of imagination eith«'i\ I'oi" 
we believe, in the foregoing chai)ters, sufhcient 
proof has been givni to fuiMiish substantial and 



THK FUTURE WITH COLONIZATION. I 1 :> 

material coloring matter for the picture, while 
the good will and united action of the whole 
people, through our Congress, would furnish the 
strong frame of protection to the picture we will 
present. 

Separate the two races, cause the negro to 
move to the land set apart for him, to plant his 
own vine and fig tree, and the whites living upon 
the same soil to move out, make room for his 
uninterrupted course of self -government ; have 
the people of this Union contribute substantial 
and material aid in his mental, moral and physi- 
cal development ; send among them missionaries 
who have their success at heart, to educate them 
in the art of government ; in short, in every way 
supply the deficiency in their own material re- 
sources until they have had full and sufficient 
time to become self supporting, not in a bare 
possible subsistence, but in peaceful, happy and 
prosperous success; educated morally, mentally, 
and trained physically — all this done with the 
kind and parental good will — we have then gath- 
ered together the material for our })icture. With 
paint pot and brush in hand, let the work be- 
gin; let the world look on the rough material 
gathered for the work of the artist, examine the 
base of the structure, the land given them for 
their future home, the inhabitants as they now 
are, then abide its time for a generation, while 
the work of the builder and painter is going on. 



lU THE RACE PROBLEM. 

Ill the meanwhile, over among the whites an- 
other picture is in progress, in sole occupation of 
their own territory, wliere they live in exclusion 
of the other race, they are painting the picture 
of their future. 

Let us now pause. For a generation the negro 
has heen colonized ; the white and l)lack man 
have lived separate and apart, occupying sepa- 
rate and distinct territory. The world's atten- 
tion is invited to an examination of the negro 
nation in America, settled in the Southern })art 
of the United States. \N'itli aniaz(^ment and sur- 
prise they see a happy, peaceful and prosperous 
people, the unmistakable evidence of which is 
seen all around, broad acres well cultivated, 
yielding abundant croi)S to the husbandmen, on 
every side neat and hapj»y homes, with inmates 
in neat attire, with well-filled corn cribs and 
smoke house, stock-houses with horses, cattle 
and hogs in plenty are found everywhere, well 
attended schools with competent teachers dot- 
ting every hillside, the steam whistle and hum 
of machinery is lieard in every village, factories 
giving employment to thousands in every town, 
at each county seat strong jails and ornamental 
court liouses furnish the unmistakable proof 
tliat law and order is enforced; church s})ires 
everywhere pointing heavenward, where each 
S;ihl);ttli day the pcojilc ai'e tauglil tlic ways of 
tlir iiicfk and lowlv Jesus. Ilie value ol' moral 



THE FUTURE WITH COLONIZATION. 1 1 T) 

life and of the life to come. At the capital cities 
magnificent State buildings and great officers, 
chosen because of their })e('uliar moral and intel- 
lectual fitness to govern their people for the gi'eat- 
est good ; a healthy public treasury ; the public 
debt and taxation in keeping with the require- 
ments of a happy, prosperous and progressive 
people ; their State bonds selling above par in all 
the markets of the world; contentment is seen 
everywhere; the haunts of vice few; the virtue 
of their women comparing favorably with that 
of other women; divorces seldom; race pride 
evident ; while at the same time they show great 
good will for other people, often giving expres- 
sions of grateful acknowledgement to the white 
people of the United States and their Southern 
white neighbors for making colonization possi- 
ble, and for the substantial and material aid 
given them in their nations new home, with 
great promise everywhere of a still better future, 
looking to the revival of the ancient glory of 
their African ancentors. 

Nor have the whites been idle; the Southern 
country occupied by them has become the envy 
of a critical world. In the place of strife, the 
result of race feeling, we see peace, good will and 
obedience to law. The idle thousands kept out 
of employment at the time when the two races 
occupied the same soil, because of certain cus- 
toms which obtain, are at work; plenty and com- 



116 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

fortable homes have taken the place of want and 
miserable huts; the population has been largely 
increased by millions of successful farmers and 
thousands of skilled artisans and factory employ- 
ees; the faces of all are marked with the evi- 
dence of a happy and prosperous people learned 
in the art of money making; no longer the care- 
worn faces of yore. Our villages have grown 
into towns, our towns into great and populous 
cities. Our magnificent forests have been con- 
verted into fertile farms. In a generation the 
population of the South has doubled, not made 
up of that class who threaten the peace and good 
order of society, but of a healthy wealth-making 
class, given to good morals and strict obv^dience 
to law. General stagnation and sloth have given 
place to the bustle and activity (^f >)usy life. 
Ca})italists, no longer afraid of racial disturban- 
ces, threatening the security of th(ur fortunes, 
have found profitable investment, investing mil- 
Uoiis m developing the resources of our Sontli- 
ern country. The South, always agi'icultiiral, is 
now a manufacturing people as well. In politics, 
the people are divided between the two great 
parties; no longer a solid delegation of one politi- 
cal faitli is sent to rej)resent the section at the 
nation's Capital. The j)endulum of success 
swings ironi one to the other great parties; the 
Sontli lias taken liei- place of |>ower and inlln- 
eiice in 1 lie cunncils of this nation, the wave of 



THE FUTURE WITH COLONIZATION. 117 

prosperity has swept over the entire Southland. 
Tourists returning from their travels through the 
South among hoth races tell of a people prosper- 
ous and hap]>y, and of a heautiful land, which 
fioweth with milk and honey. 

Such is the tale of the future in the South 
after colonization. Without it stagnation of bus- 
iness everywhere, farms grown up, fences decay- 
ing; want and discontentment mark the faces of 
the unhappy people ; race conflicts disturbs the 
peace and order of society ; the march of progress 
turned backward ; that great expanse of country, 
which should be the garden spot of the wcjrld, if 
not a barren waste, at least the Rip Van Winkle 
section of the United States. 

Statesmen, patriots, noble men and Christian 
women of this great country, we appeal to you 
and ask if the picture is not worthy of your care, 
ful consideration. 



118 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

WHERE SHATJ. WE COLONIZE THE NEGRO? 

In selecting the location for the colonization 
of the negroes of the United States two things 
should he considered: 

First, his presence here against his will; the 
use made of his brawn and muscle. 

Second, a climate and section suited to his 
mental, moral, physical and constitutional devel- 
opment. 

In considering the first division of this subject, 
we are reminded that he was brought to our 
shores against his will and in chains, tlie willing- 
consent of his mind and heait i)laye(l no part in 
this work. No one will deny tliat his transpor- 
tation, from the wilds of Africa into conditions 
of slavery in the United States has i-esultecl in 
great and iiuali iilaV)le good to this people, and 
may be the means and agencies emplov(Ml in the 
unknown future of civilizing his entire race at 
home in Africa. The fact that he was at the 
time of bis comini::, an unwilling visitor, gives 
him a claim at least with hojte based upon ex- 
pectation of just and fair treatment. They ruth- 
lessly torn from lionir and friends, brought 
amidst strangeis. who hecame his masters and 
had till' heiiefil of his sefviceas slaves for irener- 



WHERE COLONIZE THE NEfiKO ? 1 1 1» 

ations, certainly would expect kind and just con- 
sideration in his freedom from the hands of those 
directly responsible for his present condition. 
Moreover, his brawn and muscle in the days of 
yore, with axe in hand, felled the trees in our 
mighty forests, cleared the sites for our cities 
and towns, and made the plantations for our 
fleecy white cotton. What the South was befoi-e 
the war between the States was largely the result 
of his labors, great crops of lint and other materi- 
als which supplied the markets of our new world 
were the products of his work, the value of his 
own body and person was added to the value of 
our wealth, w.nle the product of his toil was the 
gain of the white man. If our people were pow- 
erful and influential, he made them so. Nor to 
be just, should we be unmindful of the fact, that 
he has done his share in the dev^elopment of our 
resources since the war; and in whatever of pro- 
gress we have made in rebuilding our broken for- 
tunes since that terrible conflict, he has done 
much, notwithstanding the barrier, the result of 
race feeling and conditions existing, of which we 
have heretofore spoken, to the general pi'osperity 
of our country. We should not be unmindful of 
what he has done in the past, and the part he 
has had in the slow progress of the South in lat- 
ter days. 

Again, the fidelity of the negro at all times to 
the interest of his owners while in slavery, and 



120 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

especially tlie uii])aralled example of his faithful 
watch of Southern homes, our mothers and sis- 
ters, wives and daughters, while the gray were 
battling with the blue to perpetuate his slavery, 
should at least claim our kind and thoughtful 
consideration. 

The love of humanity should play its role in 
the selection of the spot suited to the needs of 
the black man. The good people of the United 
States would be unwilling to put him beyond the 
pale of touch and easy communication : undoubt- 
edly their pupose and wish would be to better 
his condition. To do this it would be necessary 
to have liim in reach of assistance at some point 
where the Government could have an immediate 
view of his situation, necessities and the progress 
he is making, where the results of colonization 
coald be watched, not by a few, but by many, 
and where quick remedies could be apphed in 
the weak spots wherein the plan of colonization 
needed quickest assistance. Where oiii' i)eople 
could be by example his teachers and in easy 
reach of missionaries, who, for the love of hu- 
manity and the welfare of this race, would help 
him on to success. These reasons, of course, 
|)]ay a strong ])art in the s(^lection of territoi'v for 
this })eo|)l('. 

W'r now :i|»|>i(>a( li the second point to be con- 
sidered ill this chapter, the climatic and geo- 
giaphical sit nation with I'egai'd to theii- ni<'ntal, 



WHERE COLONIZK THE NEGRO? Ill 

moral, i)hysical and coDstitutioiial development. 
Thejiegrojs^a^plant of hot-house requirements; 
he came from the sunny tropics of Africa; he is 
not accustomed to a cold climate, nor will his 
physical composition admit of expt>sure to ex- 
cessive cold \ihe becomes an easy prey to the rav- 
ages of pulmonary diseases, common to cold coun- 
tries. In a large majority of instances, where 
they go from the Southern States to the North- 
ern cities, they soon become victims to consuni[)- 
tion. 

The beginning of the slave trade was in the 
New England States. This was soon abandoned, 
for the reason just given. It was found unproht- 
able, because he could not stand the severe cold 
of New England. Gradually the commerce turned 
to the South. It was found the tropical suns of 
the Southern States was better suited to his phys- 
ical and constitutional needs, and more like the 
hot climate of Africa, from whence he had been 
brought.. Of course, then, any idea of a region 
where severe^cold and winter are common, would 
be suicidal^and out of the question. Nor would 
any place beyond the })ale of United States, as 
some have suggested, be considered for a mo- 
ment, because it would be eminently uufair, un- 
just and bad treatment, like which the })eople of 
the United States could not and would not be 
guilty of. Under our Constitution, by our own 
act, we made^him'a citizen of the United States. 

9 



l-J-2 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

He came here not of his own will, brought here 
through the agency of oui- people, it behooves 
us then from every possible moral standpoint to 
give him an equal chance in the race of life, be- 
sides that any other course could not be taken 
without amending our Constitution, which our 
people, in that particular would uever permit. 

Since the foot of this race was first planted on 
our soil, he has lived upon every part of the 
United States, during which actual experience 
has shown that he thrives better on Southern 
soil than elsewhere, the climate is nearer like 
that of his native home, than we have elsewhere 
within our borders. 

Nor would it be right, if colonization is possi- 
1>1('. to colonize in some new and unbroken re- 
gion, like Arizona or New Mexico, which has 
been suggested by some. Then, without doubt, 
the place of the United States best suited to the 
requirements of this people, is in that belt near- 
est the Gulf of Mexico and in the Mississippi 
Valley, found in the three States of Mississippi, 
Alabama and Louisiana; and if these threo be 
found insufficient, then Arkansas might be ad- 
ded . Til ere are two controlling reasons for select- 
ing Alabama, Mississi]»)M and l,ouisiana. First, 
oar Soutlicni climate is all tliat is desii-ed in these 
States for i\u' hcallli and constitutional needs of 
the black man. In Miesecond place, already there 
ale nioie (.(■ this lacc of ])('o])le living tbei-e than 



WHERE COLONIZE THE NEGRO? l-2'A 

we tind iu any other three States of the Union, 
with a largely increasing and growing tendency 
during the past decade, to emigrate and settle 
here from other sections ; the natural increase of 
the negro population in these States, augmented 
by this gradual but constant stream from othei- 
sections, will in the very near future be so great 
that the white population will be lost, over- 
whelmed iu this growing sea of black humanity. 
Nearly one-third of the negro population of the 
United States live in the three States above 
named, while about seven-eights of the whole 
negro population live here and in other Southern 
States, in close proximity to these three. 

Again, there are more negroes in these three 
Southern States than there are whites. 

The census of 1 89( » shows a total colored pop- 
ulation in Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana 
of :>,()02,2+o, while the total white population 
is 1,98H,280, a difference of ()o,9()(». The total 
number of the negroes living in the United 
States in 189u was 7,(i88,8HO. Calculating on the 
same ratio of increase from 1880 to 1890 for the 
years from 1890 to 1897, we have now living in the 
United States 8,885,845, of which about 2,202,- 
4H4 live in the three States of Alabama, Missis- 
sippi and Louisiana, less than one-third and con 
siderable more than one-fourth of the entire ne- 
gro population. 

We find, including the proper ratio of increase 



1_>4 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

of both races, from ISiH) to 1S9T, there are whites 
and hlacks together, 4:,H82,St)+ hving in these 
three States, with room a i)lenty for four or five 
times as many more; having the white popula- 
tion to move out, we have here territory sutfi- 
cient to contain the entire negro population of 
the United States, not only of to-day but for a 
century to come. In view of the fact that near 
one-third of this people already live in these 
States, it would be less difficult to get others to 
go with their people living there. The author is 
confident that when the matter of place is care- 
fully considered, after recounting our obligations 
to this race, his physical inability to withstand 
colder sections, the injustice of sending him upon 
untried and unbroken soil, the fact that experi- 
ence has shown that he is happy, healthy and 
contented in the sunny cotton belt of the Gulf 
section, the conclusion will be reached with irre- 
sistible force, that duty says Alabama, Mississippi 
and Louisiana is the favored si)ot. Here, as be- 
fore said, his race are already in the majority, 
yet living well, traveling the roid of life and suc- 
cess at a commendable pace, with institutions of 
Ifiiniiiig for this race as good as the best, \vher(> 
he is in as easy touch of the white peojJJe of this 
country as it is possible to place bin; this section 
of all others is the favored one to be the future 
home (»f file iicgi'o n.ition bving in the I'nilcd 
States. 



WOULD THE WHITES EMIGRATE ? 1 -i; 



CHAPTER XIV. 

WOULD THE WHITES EMIGRATE FROM THE SEC- 
TION SELECTED FOR THE NEGROES? 

Of course our white friends living iu Alabama, 
Mississippi and Louisiana when first put to them, 
would give a very positive and decided "No" for 
their answer to the question, would they emi- 
grate from their States, sell our their farms and 
homes, and bid adieu forever to the land that 
gave them birth. Nor is it a question which 
could be promptly answered, it is of such mo- 
mentous propoi'tion that its answer would require 
much deliberation and careful study. This done, 
when they have come to examine the matter in 
the light of wisdom, looking as well as can be 
into futurity, for the sake of posterity, then, 
doubtless, would be the beginning of a reconsid- 
eration of the first answer. Slow would be the 
process of reasoning for the solution of the prob- 
lem. The answer to the question put to them is 
a serious one, the magnitude and greatness of 
which cannot be easily measured. 

We are well aware there are many serious and 
perplexing questions to be answered by the peo- 
ple now occupying this territory, some of which 
would stir the uttermost depths of the great sea 
of sorrow, the hallowed memories of the i)ast. 



1:^<! THE RACK FHOIiLKM. 

rebelling against the sacrifice of the heart. The 
abandonment of scenes of cliildliood and the 
happy traditions of our ancestors, the land of glo- 
rious achievements of our forefathers and patri- 
otic dead. The birth place of Southern states- 
men and the home of Jefferson Davis, whose 
achievements, though condemned by others, 
form pages of glorious and adorned history in 
the minds of all Southern folk. Who can read 
the reminiscences of ])lantation life in ante hel- 
ium days in the South, no matter in what sec- 
tion of the United States he may reside and not 
find an opportunity in his own mind and heart 
to say these were indeed good times, beantiful 
country and a happy peo])le V The memories of 
all this to be forgotten, the land of these hal- 
lovred associations given up, makes the answer 
all the more difficult, as difficult as it is, yes. 
though a thousand times more difficult. South- 
ern soil is now and has been for all time indige- 
nous to a noble race of people, brave, heroic, glo- 
rious in past achievements, ])atriots indeed, wlio 
for the love of country and jtostcrity will in <-on 
elusion reach an answer in kee]>ing with thcii- 
past glory, self-sacrifice and patriotism, an an 
swer which will be for the goo(^ of the whole 
Union, of the whites of the South, and especially 
good U)v tlie negiH) race. Tlu'ir answer wonld nn- 
donbtedly l)e "Yes" to the (juestion, tlie }»rohlein 
of which so vitally concei-ns oui- jtosterity and 
the Intni-e of onr once glorious Southland. 



WOULD THK WHITES EMIGRATE? ll'T 

They see through the mist of years the fright- 
ful consequences of intercommunion and hfe 
upon the same soil of the white and black 
races. While conditions may be tolerable, and 
hardly tolerable now, yet the passage of time 
which gradually brings us to the distant future, 
is also gradually unfolding a tale which would 
mar the pages of the future historian. Es})ec- 
ially is this true in that section wherein this 
race is largely in the majority, and who as time 
gradually comes and goes will more and more 
assert their power. Another thought here we 
will mention, which will assist the people of this 
section in giving a favorable answer, is that the 
white race in these States will not increase ex- 
cept from natural causes, while the tendency of 
negro emigration is already to these parts, which 
in future will rapidly increase, for the reason 
that, they like race power; and as intelligence 
with them increases in future, more and more 
will the disposition to emigrate thither grow ui)on 
them. 

No one expects that our people in this section 
will at once sell their homes either to individuals 
or the general government, abandon their pos- 
sessions ,'and move away to [make room for the 
negro I'ace. This work must be one of slow 
growth, but come it certainly will ; if it is a sac- 
rifice, which we seriously doubt, will for the sake 
of posterity, certainly be made. Conditions may 



1:2S THE HATE PUOBLEM. 

be tolerable to-day, but every true man and ))a- 
rent wishes to better his affairs to-morrow, and 
for the sake of his children struggle to leave 
them an inheritance, morally, mentally and ma- 
terially better than was his; an all-wise Provi- 
dence has made the pai-ent love in all nature, 
strong and seli'-sacrificing, the ties of parental 
obligation is the incentive which moves men and 
women to great deeds for the sake of their off- 
spring. The same parent love, common to all 
nature, planted in the breast of creation by an 
all- wise Creator and akin to God-love, Avill inspire 
the white people of the South, for the sake of 
their children and posterity, for the sake of un- 
born genc^iations, through whose veins will flow 
their own blood for all time, will solve tht^ prob- 
lem which disturbs the present and threatens the 
future even into annihilation of the weaker race 
by moving out, surrendeiing their home and the 
land of their nativity, to make room foi- the 
abode of the l)lack man, ending race conflict, 
restore j^eace, order and obedience to law, wliere 
disturbances and dangerous outbreaks threaten- 
ing the good oidci- and well-being of society, now 
exist, and in so doing, build for themselves a 
inoTuiineTit which for s<'lf-sacritice for tlie good 
of tbcir connti'v and the love of their own race. 
will \)c 11m' |)i'id»' and glory of posterity. 



CONCLUSION. iJ'.t 

CHAPTER XV. 

CONCLUSION. 

AVe have seen in the foregoing pages of this 
book the animosities and race feeUng existing 
between the white and black races in the Sontli- 
ern iStates. 

AVe have seen the causes which have led to 
this deep-rooted dislike for each other. How 
that certain Northern papers are pleased to fan 
the already burning fires, for none other than 
the selfish purpose of enlarging their circulation 
and increasing their bank account, causing tlie 
impassable gulf to deepen, widen and lengthen 
beyond the possible hope of ever bringing its 
shores in touch one wath the other. 

How" that certain persons in the beginning- 
helped to plant the seed of discord, yes, even 
hatred, by talking of amalgamation between the 
noble race of people that live in the Southern 
States and the negroes, their former slaves. We 
have seen that these causes are increasing as the 
years go by, and as the old ex-slave gradually 
passes away, their influence lost upon the 
younger generation, the negro race becomes 
more intolerable to the whites; while the lattei-. 
forgetting plantation memories, the tales and 
traditions of the happy past, as the older heads 



l:'.<l THE RACE PROBLEM. 

(lie out, luive less of regard and kindly feeling 
for this people. 

Time, the great absorbent, fails to wipe out the 
unpleasant memories of the past, for the reason 
that, the re|)otition of still more offensive action 
opens the wound afresh, fanning the fires of ha- 
tred and dislike between the poorer class of the 
white race and the negro race, until the utter 
annihilation or dispersion of the weaker is immi- 
nent in the distant future. 

Passing on we find the plan of colonizing the 
negro a practicable one. 

That this race, if given an oi)portunity under 
the auspices of the general Government, with 
the good will of the people of this Union and the 
assurance that he would be helped onward in the 
race of life, would embrace the plan of coloniza- 
ti(m. move out from among the whites of the 
South and into the region given them for the 
future abode of his people. 

We believe that we have shown lliat this race 
has the capacity of self-government ; that thrown 
upon theii' own resources would develoj) theii- lat- 
ent and hidden energies, and instead of being de- 
l»('ii(l(id. would become independent, self-reliant, 
moic disposed to better their conditions, and in 
every way ca])able of an existence separate and 
a])art fiom tlieii- white friends. 

W'c liavc ccitainly dcmonsl i-ited tliat his |)i('S- 
ence among liic white |)eo|)le of the South is a 



CONCLUSION. i;'.l 

barrier to the onward march of prosperity. With 
no intention to hinder and delay, he does chck 
Southern progress, and while thousands of his 
own race are idle because of the existence of 
certain untoward conditions, common to the 
South, the immediate results of the careless and 
indulgent habits of slave masters in the days of 
slavery, and whose careless and extravagant 
habits makes it possible for the employed of this 
race to maintain thousands of their people in 
idleness, his presence, because of certain inex- 
orable laws of society, makes thousands of idle 
whites oftimes without the simplest necessaries 
of life in a land of plenty, who, but for the pres- 
ence of the negro, are willing and would be indus- 
triously employed, gathering about them com- 
fortable homes with plenty, at the same time ad- 
ding to the nation's store of strength and wealth. 
We have seen his removal would solve this prob- 
lejn of Southern stagnation, causing the unem- 
ployed and idle of both races willingly and gladly, 
we believe, to become industrious workers in- 
stead of idlers. We have shown how willingly, 
and we will here add gladly, the white people of 
the South self imposed the great task and 
weighty burden of educating the children of this 
propertyless race: how that while they own no 
property and pay no taxes, the Southern whites 
with generous heart and open hand have divided 
the school fund equally among the children of 
both races, in proportion to numbers. 



\'-y2 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

We luTve shown the iiijustico for the Southern 
whites to hear this burden alone for the eauca- 
tion of a race once their property' and made free 
without compensation, not by themselves, which 
fact would present a different case, but by tlie 
people of the United States. 

We have shown that the negro should be the 
care of the whole people of this Union, if the 
idea obtaining among the many is true, that 
this race is to become God's chosen means and 
instrument for the civilization of the negi'O na- 
tion in barl)aric Africa, then the better and more 
perfect his education, sooner and more certain 
will this work be accomplished, which should be 
the desire of all good and Christian people, not 
confined alone to the Soutli. but to this entire 
country. 

We have also seen that the education of this 
race among the whites for reasons fully given 
does not educate; that colonized, the possibilities 
of greatness o})ened to him in all the avennes (^t 
life, that in the world lie lias an e(ju:»l cli;ince in 
the field of competition foi- honorary seats in 
any and all the ])ositions and higli jdaces o])en 
to peo])le in other countries, would furnish an 
inspirati(»ii foi- thorough and efficiciii education. 

The }>olitical results to the Southern Statt\s 
have been discussed, proving that the solid Soutli 
in politics is the direct result of the negro's pres- 
ence at the polls. His coionizit ion .ind sc]i;ii;i- 



CONCLUSION. 13:i 

tion, we have shown, would result in the divis- 
ion of the whites of the South, taking their place 
in equal numbers, in all probability, in the ranks 
of each of the old political parties. The adniiii- 
istration at Washington, looking with favor ui)()n 
our sunny South, no matter which i)arty in 
power, that we would receive our due recogni- 
tion and take our honorary position in the sister- 
hood of States and iii the eyes of all the world, 
being known, as in truth, we really are, a great 
part of this Union, in the enjoyment of all the 
rights and privileges accorded to other sections 
of our country, while our great men e.nd states- 
men, according to nierit and ability would be 
given those places at home and abroad, which 
rightly belongs, to what will become under colo- 
nization, one of the strongest and wealthiest sec- 
tions of this Republic. 

The good result coming to both races after the 
plan of colonization proposed has been men- 
tioned, evil practices, the sin of adultery between 
the races would be forgotten, while no one can 
calculate the good which would follow in the 
wake of the idle employed, which, we think, 
would certainly be conspicuous among the good 
results to be attained. We have seen the value 
of colonization to the Union, that whenever any 
section of a great country is bettered, the whole 
country just in that proportion is made strong- 
er, more capable of resisting unfriendly foes 



I'M THE RACE PROBLEM. 

from without, the nation wealthier, the people 
hap})ier. The tale of the future, with and with- 
out colonization, tells us on the one hand of the 
si u inhering volcanic dangers which abide, almost 
hidden to the many, hut are sure to come, 
like a landslide in the distant future, freighted 
with awful consequences to both races, and de- 
structive to the peace and prosperity of one of 
the best sections of this Union, while with col- 
onization all over a great and extensive section 
of country, the future will unfold a story of 
happy people, both white and black men, patri- 
otic and loyal, wealthy and prosperous, a Union 
cemented with unbreakable bands, where sec- 
tional strife, like which we h;iv!' witnessed dur- 
ing the })ast generation, l)etween North and 
South, will be no more. 

We have seen that in climate, in geogiaphical 
situation with regard to the physical and moral 
necessities of the black man and the convenience 
of the (xovernment, in easy comniunicatiou and 
assistance, we have at home in our own hordnsa 
region of country in every way suited for the 
colonization and future home of this race, and 
Ik'Ucvc wc have assigned reasons strong and suffi- 
cient td inchice the whites already Hving in the 
same to move away and make room for tlie ne- 
gro. 

Should the negro b ■ coloiii/cdy "Truth vii- 
tueand h;i|t|iini'ss -irc t he Heaven intcndcil licri- 



CONCLUSION. 1 a:. 

tage of man; their ultimate triumph over tlie 
broad surface of the moral world is the promise 
of the Bible. God has laid His univi'rse under 
contribution to promote the happiness of men. 
and where untoward conditions and circum- 
stances have withheld from him facilities allowed 
him by heaven, we are called upon by the great 
Father of all to correct the evils, if we have it 
in our power to do so. by supplying the deficiency. 
It is what the happy to the unhappy owe." 

We believe separation a part of the plan of the 
Creator: while for a century the negro in Amer- 
ica has learned much in the school house of white 
training, of which his peoi)le in native Africa 
would never have known anything; that the 
hand of Providence may have and we believe did 
have something to do with the erection of the 
school rooms in which his people have been 
trained for a century, that a great and wise pur- 
posy vras in view in this work; that the still 
greater possibilities of civilizing and christianiz- 
ing this benighted race within the confines of bar- 
baric Africa, yet we insist the time is ripe, un- 
der the Divine plan, for the parting of the waves, 
the separation of the two races in the United 
States. 

Those who believe that the hand of Provi- 
dence directed the enslavement of the negro 
here; that at the appointed time, subsequently 
caused his freedom, for the great work of tutu- 



I'M] THE KAv E PROBLEM. 

litv iu civilizing his brother in Africa, must see 
he is making haste slowly. We have seen the 
reasons of this slow haste, that among the white 
l)eople higher education is of no value to this 
race; while on the other hand, we have seen that 
this race, if educated in the hope of full fruition 
of reward for his services in acquiring great 
knowledge, he would, like other ])eople with an 
opportunity given, apply all of his enei'gies to 
this end, which blessing would come witli colo- 
nization. 

We believe it is the plan of the great Creator 
that separate races and nationalities should have 
a separate existence, in order for the comi)lete 
fulfillment and teaching of the Divine law, 
•• Thou shall love thy neighbor as thyself." To 
whom was this command given V By turning to 
the xix Chapter, isth verse of Leviticus, we see 
it was the command of God spoken to Moses, the 
lawgiver and God's own appointed leadei- of the 
Israelites as the rule of action between neigh- 
bors, tlic iiit'iiibcfs of the tril)e of Israel. Would 
;my one contend for a moment that this com- 
luaiidof (rod to Moses, a part of the code of laws 
for the government of the Israelites, would liave 

been given as tllf rule lo In- obsi'l'Vcd !(('twctil 
llic Israelites and I be l^gyptians whilf in bon- 
dage in Kgypt y Will tbcologiaiis contend Ibat 
this command was given lo Moses as tbe lule of 
action bet ween Israelites ;iM(l ot liei nations? We 



CONCLUSION. 137 

think not. Repeating here the whole of the 18th 
verse, " Thou shalt not avenge nor bear any 
grudge against the children of thy people, but 
thou shalt love thou neighbor as thyself; I am 
the Lord," it will be seen that the command 
was given to Moses for the people of Israel, no 
other were contemplated in its meaning. It is 
clear that at the time the command was given to 
the lawgiver, for the guidance of God's chosen 
people, none other were intended than the Isra- 
elites alone ; moreover, we believe it would be in 
violation of this great commandment, which our 
Lord Jesus Christ says is like unto the first, and 
upon which hangs all the law and the prophets, in 
violation of natural laws, to expect people of dif- 
ferent blood, different race, different nationality 
and differing in color of skin, to love each other 
as they love themselves. Do the French love 
their German neighbors as they love their own 
nation ? Are not the English jealous of all peo- 
ple ? Do the Irish love their English neigh- 
bors ? Are the people of the LTnited States much 
in love with the Spanish people ? What is true 
of nations is true of individuals. Obedient to 
nature's laws and natural instincts, an English- 
man could and would not hold a Chinese neigh- 
bor in the same esteem and have for him the same 
kindly feeling he would for one of his own na- 
tionality or kindred race. Do the citizens of the 
United States love an Indian neighbor, even if 

10. 



138 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

domesticated, as he would one ot his own peo- 
\)\v y J )o we not see in our Northern cities the 
Itahau and the Chinese, more of the German and 
French having their separate quarters, gather- 
ing the people of their nationality together, then 
will it be contended that they love their neigh- 
bors of different nationality and blood as they d(^ 
their ow^n people? We might extend this argu- 
ment further in the realms of nature, and prove 
that animal kind do not live and associate with 
each other of the same genus but differing in 
specie. This is likewise true of bird and fishes. 
We do not mean to compare the human family 
with animal nature, except in so far as their na- 
tural tendencies admit of comparison. We all 
know that the human family, robbed of our in- 
telligence and education, would instinctively fol- 
low our natural inclinations just as wild nature 
in animal kind does. No one would insist that, 
according to natural laws, there would ever be 
any admixtures of races. We contludc, tben. 
when Moses was given the commandment by 
God, it was for his own ])eculiar chosen })eople, 
the Israehtes. To say, "That thou shalt love 
thy neighbor as thyself , " was nu^uitby the great 
Creator between neighbors of different national- 
ities would be to violate all natural laws, which, 
as well as the great Second Commandment, are 
God's creation. 

Tn iiisistHhen, as some liavc. ili.it tlir wliitc 



CONCLUSION. 139 

and colored people of the South should literally 
observe between the races this great Command- 
ment of God, given to Moses for the guidance of 
the Israelites, would be in violation of all nat- 
ural laws and the Divine law of God. We wish 
to be understood. We do not mean to say, that 
there is not good will and good feeling between 
many of the two races in the South, yea more, 
inany of us, very many of both races, would 
have »till more if we could control, of brotherly 
love between these two people, but mean to say 
and do say, the two races of the South do not, 
and obedient to nature's laws, cannot and never 
will love each other as they love the people of 
their own race. Therefore we insist, for the com- 
plete fulfillment of the Divine law, colonization 
is in order. 

In conclusion, we ask all well-meaning, thought- 
ful people of the United States to consider well 
the pages of this work. If, after careful thought, 
you reach the conclusion that the chasm between 
the races is deepening and widening; that race 
feeling of hatred and dislike for each is increas- 
ing and growing ; if you find in your conclusion 
that colonization would result in removing the 
barrier to Southern prosi)erity, greatness and 
progress ; that the burden of educating the blacks 
is too great for the Southern people alone, who 
for a generation past have done their full duty ; 
that the education of the negro among the whiti^s 



Uti THE RACE PROBLEM. 

is a failure ; it' yuu believe that the claim that 
education of this people colonized would be suc- 
cessful, is sustained by the argument used; if 
you believe that the solid South would be broken 
and great good come to each of the races living 
upon separate territory; that the South, as a 
part of the Union, would take her proper place 
in the sisterhood of States and in the eyes of the 
world ; if you believe the whole Union would be 
strengthened, lines of sectional difference oblit- 
erated, the people and the whole country bet- 
tered thereby; if you are of oi)inion that the tale 
of the future without colonization would be one 
of woe to our Southland and to the two races, 
as the signs of the times unmistakably })oint; 
that the future gives promise of nothing less 
than ruin and desolation to one of the fairest 
lands upon wliicli the foot of man ever ti'od : 
war and bloodshed between the races, resulting 
in the utter annihilation of the weaker, which 
could be averted by separating these people in no 
way kindred to each other; that with coloniza- 
tion the mantle of j)eace would be thrown over 
the land made sacred with the memories of the 
past, drenched in the blood of our Revolutionary 
forefathers, where mixed with mother earth, 
slec]) the ashes of tbose who contributed much 
to this nation's glorious past on the field of bat- 
llc. in Ibc balls of Congress and npon the i)ench : 
llial llic I'ntnn'. willi cdloni/al ion. wdiiM j)i'e- 



CONCLUSION. 141 

sent two races living in neighboring States, hap- 
py, prosperous and progressive in the arts and 
sciences, keeping apace with the march of civil- 
ization, each contributing to the nation's great- 
ness in peace and in war, and adding much to 
her storehouses of wealth and power, if you 
believe that with colonization, higher and better 
educaton will come and again abide with this ex- 
slave race, whose ancestry in the remote ages of 
antiquity were in civilization and enlightenment, 
in advance of all mankind; if you believe it a 
part of the plan of xllmighty God to Christianize 
all men, that the negro in the United States 
could be made an instrument in the hands of 
Providence in civilizing and Christianizing his 
people in native Africa; that these instruments 
in the hands of God would infuse this once great 
people with new blood, new hope, revive in them 
the memories of their glorious past, and inspire 
them with energy and activity, intelligence and 
greatness to resist the unjust encroachments of 
other nations of the earth, then in God's name, 
we appeal to you for the sake of humanity, for 
the love you bear your own white brother, 
through whose veins courses the same blood, and 
who sprung from the same proud ancestry, for 
the sake of this fallen race once great, with us 
you put your shoulder to the wheel and push the 
glorious work onward. 

Statesmen and patriots, jurists and lawmak- 



14l' THE RACE PROBLEM. 

ers, novelist and poet, indeed the services of all 
men we engage in tliis gieat work, and ask v;ith 
relentless determination, yon pnsh on in your 
efforts until the mark of success is reached, the 
l)ell of your target is rung, the hull's eye is hit 
with glorious achievement. When the glory of 
your success shall be heard in poetry and song 
throughout the ages of futurity hy the two happy 
races occupying the sublimely beautiful land of 
the South, whose music by the breezes shall be 
boi'ne over the bosom of the great ocean to the 
shores of Africa, and there caught up by the in- 
habitants of a once famous and glorious country, 
who with their posterity in the myriad of ages 
yet to come, send heavenward your praises to the 
throne of a great and merciful God, who will re- 
ward the posterity of your loins for the good 
work of their forefathers. Noble men and Chi-is- 
tian women of tliis fair land of our sisterhood of 
States, to whose shores Liberty seated on a thi'one 
beckons the oppressed people of earth, a great 
work lies spread out before you. If, as states- 
men, you wish to ameliorate the condition of all 
men, your attention is invited to the unhaii]iy 
jtosterity of the ex-slaves in the South and the 
idle whites, who, on account of conditions be- 
yond their control, are made miserable and sub- 
jects of want ill a land of i»lenty and jiromise: 
if, as patriots, you can a|)|>id|iiiate the language 
(•r Sir Waller Scott. " iJicathcs ilicic ;i man witb 



CONCLUSION. 143 

soul so dead, who never to himself has said, this 
is my own, my native land, ' ' and wish to see all 
the inhabitants thereof happy, peaceful and pros- 
perous, then we point to the Southland and ask 
you to look upon a people occupying one of the 
fairest portions of earth, hating each other, 
whose animosities threaten the peace and pros- 
perity of our land. 

As novelists, we ask you to tell in story the 
condition of the South, and with the genius of 
imagination, give to the people of our country 
the picture of a people again restored to the glo- 
ries of their forefathers in the remote ages of an- 
tiquity ; tell of our fair land occupied by differ- 
ent nations in separate territory, the home of the 
happy and the free, where order and law are ob- 
served and the courts of Judge Lynch unknown. 
As poets, tell us not of the heroic struggle of our 
forefathers for independence, the triumi^h of 
their [arms against the British foe, already this 
occupies the first place on the roll of fame ; not 
of camp life and victories in Mexico, for this, 
too, adorns a brilliant page in our history; tell 
us not of a Union made strong with the growth 
of a century, composed of indestructible 'parts, 
cemented with the best blood of our land : nor 
of the marvellous growth and strength of our 
nation and country, the admiration and envy of 
a civilized world; tell us not of the broad and 
fertile plains, of the sublime scenery and grand- 



144 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

eur of tlie Rocky Mouiitains and the great West, 
but go with us to other fields, with pastures 
green, come to the land of flovv-^ers in our sunny 
South, a land of promise without ])rogress; 
where two races, unlike to each other, un- 
happily live. Come here and for us sing of the 
future, with colonization of this beautiful land 
of the vine and the rose, of broad lakes and 
sounds, majestic and graceful rivers, mountains 
grand, with scenery sublime, of valleys beauti- 
ful, green hills and flowery dales, of minerals 
rich and rare, grand forests and fei'tile farms, 
sing a new song, whose melodies will sink deep 
in the hearts of our Southern people, and whose 
music and rhythm assures us that the fire of ge- 
nius in your poetic soul is being kindled, in flames 
of love, to burn out existing conditions and l^j^aze 
a new Elysium in Dixie's land. 

Ministers of God, we wish to interest you. 
Preach to your people this problem, and how 
it can be solved. Say to them, it is a common 
duty to better all mankind. If you are fully i)er- 
suaded, then petition the great King of earth to 
hasten the consunnnation of this great work, the 
result of which will be to thoroughly educate the 
negro, to prepare liim for tlie great w oik of tak- 
ing Christ crucified to that once great and now 
beniglit»Ml ]»<'o]»I(". Cliristian women, in you we 
lio])e to liiid oiii' best workers. ()li, for another 
llariici l^xM'clicr Stowe to wiitc of the ncocl of 



CONCLUSION. 1 45 

separation and colonization as she wrote of tlie 
causes which led to the aholition of slavery. Are 
there not others such who would espouse this 
cause, throwing in it the fervor of their souls 
and being, as none but a woman can ? Point out 
to the people of our country the great necessities 
of separating the two races, and of the awful 
consequences awaiting us in the future if this 
wise course is not taken in this day, when the 
problem is easy of solution. 

Women of this country, noble women of the 
North, South, East and West, we invite you to 
take part in the solution of this grave problem. 
It is a duty, a Christian duty you owe to man- 
kind, a duty you owe to the negro, in no way re- 
sponsible for his presence here. It is a duty you 
owe to the wiiite people of the South, of the same 
race, same nationality, same flesh and blood, of 
w^hich you justly boast. We ask you to speak 
with your husbands and sons, engage their grave 
and earnest attention, and with you join in a 
common effort to solve this perplexing problem. 
Noble women of the South, descendants of a 
proud ancestry, wives of patriotic husbands, and 
mothers of brave sons, we appeal to you to 
awaken from your lethargy, and for the sake of 
your descendants, we ask you to study this great- 
est of aU problems which confronts the South- 
ern people, now easy of solution, but which if 
left alone, will in future years disturb the peace 



14r> THE RACE PROBLEM, 

and order of our fair land we love so well, and 
threatens the very existence of your posterity. 

Negroes of the South, foremost men of your 
race, to you we appeal and ask attention to the 
greatest problem which concerns your people in 
this country. 

We believe we have conclusively shown that 
the race feeling in the Southern States is grow- 
ing, the chasm dividing the two races deepening 
and widening, that education of your people 
among the whites is a failure ; that separate ed- 
ucation, after the plan herein proposed, giving 
to your nation all the rights and privileges in 
your new States and homes accorded to other 
citizens of the United States, would be a great 
success. Then we point you to the glorious 
achievements of your African ancestors in ages 
past. We invite you to examine your nation's 
early history. In it you should find hope and 
encouragement. Study the comparison of the 
conditions attending your race in Africa of to- 
day and ill the ages past; for the sake of your 
now oppressed nation, the prey of all people in 
benighted Africa, resolve that with God's helj), 
you will now l)egin the woi"k with unrelentless 
application, which sball have for its results, the 
freedom, civilization and moral emancipation of 
more than one bundled million of your unfortu- 
nate brethren. Es])ecial1y do we ask your consid- 
• •r.il ioii of 1 lit' iiiipfiidiiii:- (laiiucrs w liicb 111 tea ten 



CONCLUSION. 147 

your people and the whites as well, in continued 
existence and habitation together on the same 
soil. 

Colored men of thought and brains, you can- 
not fail to see that the future of your race under 
continued present conditions is not full of prom- 
ise ; you know well among the whites there is no 
room at the top of the ladder for the genius of your 
race, no matter what your attainments, your 
moral virtues, your intellectual ability, you can 
never hope to aspire to high places. We ask you 
to go with the mind and the imagination to the 
sunny land of Alabama, Mississippi and Louis- 
iana, and with prophetic vision look into the fu- 
ture of your people here colonized under the aus- 
pices of our Government, with the whole people 
of the United States back of you, contributing 
to your moral and physical necessities, making 
thorough and complete your education, with a 
right of representation in Congress, given to the 
other members of the sisterhood of States ; aid- 
ing you in the establishment of a perfect State 
government, and see a progressive, prosperous 
and happy people, unknown to strife and bitter- 
ness of feeling, now common in the South to the 
races, then resolve what your peo})le once were 
in the remote and distant past, you can and will 
again be, and in the hands of God, become in- 
struments for the redemption of your brethren 
in your native land. These blessings can only 
come to you colonized. 



148 THE RACE PROBLEM. 

Lastly, to those who read these pages, let us 
say, in the depths of our innermost soul and in 
the secret recesses of our heart, there exists noth- 
ing hut good will and kindly feeling for the man 
of black skin and a sincere desire to better his 
condition. This feeling, and the hope of doing- 
good to one of the fairest and most ])romising 
portions of earth, and the noble race of people, 
sprung from a noble ancestry, has prompted the 
author to write these i)ages. If, in these im- 
perfect suggestions, anything has been said to 
cause our people to study the race ])r()blem, lead- 
ing to the i)erfection of a i)lau of separating the 
two races in the South, bringing peace, happi- 
ness and prosperity, wealth and power in the 
place of hatred and dislike, sloth and backward 
strides in the march of j)ower and greatness to 
our sunny South, then the author will be con- 
soled in the thought that his labor has not been 
in vain. 

For several years Mr. E. S. Simmons, the author 
of this W(»ik. has been totallv blind. 



APPENDIX, 

It may be the white people hving in the States 
wherein it is proposed to colonize the negro would 
welcome a solution of the problem in separa- 
tion and colonization of this race, but would be 
unwilling to abandon their possessions, leave their 
homes, to which they are bound by a thousand 
ties of memory and association— the homes and 
possessions of their forefathers and parents, hal- 
lowed by the memory of childhood and made dear 
as their birthplace ; home and first playground of 
their own little children. AYhile we are irresisti- 
bly forced to the conclusion that the three States, 
Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, are in every 
way better suited for colonizing the negro race 
than any other section, and that the whites in 
these States should move out and'make way for 
their uninterrupted course of self-government 
and separate existence; yet if their unwilling- 
ness to give up their homes and possessions forms 
an insurmountable barrier to the plan of coloni- 
zation as proposed in the pages of this w(n-k, 
then, in answer to this objection, we say in these 
States there is territory sufficient to block out 
three new States for the negro race large enough 
to contain this people for a'century to come. If 
this be not enough, we have, near by. in Arkan- 



!.■>() APPENDIX. 

sas and Texas, room a plenty. The whites can 
gather themselves together in those i)ortions of 
these States nearest the Gulf coast, their beauti- 
ful cities by the sea, and near the mouth of the 
great Mississippi river. Retain the names of the 
States as they now are, thus making six States 
of the three. This would enable the white peo- 
ple living in these States still to remain, for the 
most part, near the scenes of their childhood. 
The object to be attained is colonization of the 
negro race in separate States. The white and 
black man will not — yea, cannot— live in peace 
and harmony together. Separation of the two 
races and the colonization of the negro must and 
surely will come. It is for us to say whether we 
will now solve the problem in an easy and ami- 
cable way, or will we, like cravens, leave the task 
to our posterity ; if so, the consequences of our 
actions, will be awful to contemplate. 




<^d^^-^^^^ 



